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Where They Stand is a nonpartisan guide to everyone running for Congress: their money, their own words and how incumbents voted. Find your ballot →
Loading this candidate’s profile from the FEC filings and campaign records.
Where They Stand is a nonpartisan guide to everyone running for Congress: their money, their own words and how incumbents voted. Find your ballot →
Candidates › MN-01 race › 2025–2026
R Republican nominee for U.S. House, MN-01
Representative since 2022
The same platforms’ other accounts, such as a congressional office’s or an earlier campaign’s.
4 priorities from finstadforcongress.com, in the order they are listed there. Every heading and the text under it is copied exactly, as one passage for each page it is from, and links to that place on the page; hover a source to see which passage it opens.
- What We’re Up Against: Washington bureaucrats and unscientific, politically motivated policies—such as California’s Proposition 12—that threaten the livelihoods of family farms and agricultural producers.
- The Mission: Ensure that federal farm policy avoids creating burdensome obstacles and is written by farmers, for farmers.
- The Benefit: Lower input costs, stronger supply chains, and a secure, high-quality food supply for the nation.
- The Proof (Results): Brad recently introduced the USDA Express Loan Act and supports the PRECISE Act to expand farmer access to advanced agricultural technology and capital. He also championed the FARMER Act to expand crop insurance access and reduce costs for local producers.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · finstadforcongress.com/issues
Heading as listed on finstadforcongress.com ↗ (opens finstadforcongress.com at this heading)
- What We’re Up Against: Reckless government spending and burdensome taxes that squeeze small businesses and working families across the district.
- The Mission: Keep more money in your paycheck and give small businesses the certainty they need to operate and grow.
- The Benefit: A thriving local economy driven by Main Street businesses, not by government mandates.
- The Proof (Results): Brad voted for the Working Families Tax Cuts to lock in critical tax provisions, specifically the 199A small business deduction. He was recognized as a “Small Business Deduction Champion” by the NFIB for his legislative efforts to protect these savings.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · finstadforcongress.com/issues
Heading as listed on finstadforcongress.com ↗ (opens finstadforcongress.com at this heading)
- What We’re Up Against: A continuing threat from illegal immigrants and drug cartels looking to flood into our nation.
- The Mission: Continue to keep our border secure, restore the rule of law, resume construction of the southern border wall, and alleviate staffing shortages for Customs and Border Patrol.
- The Benefit: Safe neighborhoods and an end to the humanitarian and national security crisis threatening our country.
- The Proof (Results): Brad secured the largest border security investment in history through H.R. 1 to complete the border wall, increase immigration enforcement resources, and hire new border patrol agents. He is also a co-sponsor of the Deporting Fraudsters Act and supports legislation requiring ICE to detain illegal immigrants charged with crimes resulting in death or serious injury.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · finstadforcongress.com/issues
Heading as listed on finstadforcongress.com ↗ (opens finstadforcongress.com at this heading)
- What We’re Up Against: Attempts to undermine election integrity and bureaucratic overreach that targets the constitutional rights and liberties of American citizens.
- The Mission: Implement common-sense safeguards to ensure that only U.S. citizens can vote in our federal elections and to protect individual liberties from left-wing efforts.
- The Benefit: Restored faith in the democratic process, secure elections, and protected constitutional freedoms.
- The Proof (Results): Brad co-sponsored the SAVE Act, which requires proof of U.S. citizenship and identity to register to vote in federal elections. He also backed the Equal Representation Act to prevent non-citizens from being counted toward congressional apportionment, and he actively supports the Minnesota Voter Integrity Act.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · finstadforcongress.com/issues
Heading as listed on finstadforcongress.com ↗ (opens finstadforcongress.com at this heading)
99% of their votes went with their party’s majority; they broke with it 10 times in the 119th Congress.
House Committee on Agriculture
House Committee on Armed Services
House Committee on Small Business
Matching this candidate against the House and Senate voting records…
The CRS policy areas of Finstad’s 68 substantive sponsored measures, Congresses 117, 118, 119; the figure is how many fall in each. Sponsorship indicates legislative focus, not every policy position. GovInfo source ↗
FEC filings, Jan 1, 2025 to Oct 14, 2026 · Official FEC bulk data · committee C00807743
80¢ of every dollar raised has been spent across 9 reports ($2.2M of $2.8M). Cash on hand went from $166.6K on Mar 31, 2025 to $603.6K on Oct 14, 2026.
| Report | Raised in the period | Spent in the period | Cash on hand at its close |
|---|---|---|---|
| APRIL QUARTERLY 2025 through Mar 31, 2025 | $247,804 | $142,648 | $166,565 |
| JULY QUARTERLY 2025 through Jun 30, 2025 | $270,894 | $130,776 | $306,683 |
| OCTOBER QUARTERLY 2025 through Sep 30, 2025 | $254,718 | $98,167 | $463,234 |
| YEAR-END 2025 through Dec 31, 2025 | $258,285 | $104,771 | $616,748 |
| APRIL QUARTERLY 2026 through Mar 31, 2026 | $340,547 | $123,580 | $833,714 |
| JULY QUARTERLY 2026 through Jun 30, 2026 | $543,899 | $166,809 | $1,210,804 |
| PRE-PRIMARY 2026 through Jul 22, 2026 | $114,423 | $41,304 | $1,283,923 |
| OCTOBER QUARTERLY 2026 through Sep 30, 2026 | $578,086 | $751,560 | $1,110,449 |
| PRE-GENERAL 2026 through Oct 14, 2026 | $157,214 | $664,041 | $603,622 |
Each report’s own period, as filed with the FEC; a report filed again counts once, as its latest copy.
Not read yet
Advanced · 50,618 votes (89%) · 1 of 3 · Full results ↗
Election not held yet · Full results ↗
Every contest for this seat that named this candidate, most recent last; a result is shown once the race is called. Election dates and results from civicAPI (civicapi.org). civicAPI aggregates results from Secretaries of State and equivalent election bodies, and makes its own race calls. civicapi.org ↗
Latest poll · SurveyUSA, Oct 12, 2026 · too few nonpartisan polls for a lead
A poll is a snapshot, not a forecast.
Official FEC filing record for the current cycle. The priorities they publish are quoted from their own site, in their order.
Statements are quoted from these pages exactly. Headings, order and wording are the campaign’s; the record marking is ours.
The 12 largest committees by total given are listed. In all, 552 committee contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $1.2M. Counted from the givers' own filings, which can run above the total the campaign itself reports.
A donor who gave several times appears once. The 12 largest donors by total given are listed. In all, 878 itemized contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $682.1K.
Money moved in from the candidate’s other authorized committees, such as a joint fundraising committee. It was raised once and is reported again here on arrival. The 6 largest sources by total given are listed. In all, 24 transfers were filed this cycle, totaling $272.4K.
Total reported receipts $2,765,870
Every dollar the committee reported receiving this cycle, split by the source the FEC filing attributes it to. Open a source marked + to see who gave. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
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Tap or hover over a state, or focus the map and use the arrow keys, to read its total. Ctrl or ⌘ and scroll to zoom.
72% of the money placed by state came from inside Minnesota: $491.5K of $682.1K.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 728 contributions · 72% | $491,479 |
| 28 contributions · 4.4% | $29,863 |
| 12 contributions · 4% | $27,259 |
| 9 contributions · 3.1% | $21,000 |
| 16 contributions · 2.1% | $14,257 |
| 5 contributions · 1.8% | $12,500 |
| 16 contributions · 1.8% | $11,946 |
| 14 contributions · 1.7% | $11,291 |
By the state each donor wrote on the filing, across 25 states and territories. Donors who have given $200 or less this cycle are not itemized, so they cannot be placed on a map. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total.
| Employer as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an employer · 69 contributions · 6.9% of ranked | $36,028 |
| 5 contributions · 4.1% of ranked | $21,410 |
| 9 contributions · 4% of ranked | $21,000 |
| 3 contributions · 2.7% of ranked | $14,000 |
| 5 contributions · 2.7% of ranked | $14,000 |
| 2 contributions · 2.7% of ranked | $14,000 |
| 4 contributions · 2.7% of ranked | $14,000 |
| 4 contributions · 2.7% of ranked | $14,000 |
A further $155,641 came from donors whose answer names no employer (None, blank), so it is not ranked. Ranked from the largest 200 of 201 employer spellings filed; each share is of the money in those. Itemized gifts over $200, grouped by the words donors filed: not an industry classification, and a gift from an employee is not a gift from the employer. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($183,748) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.
Money groups spent on their own, not through a campaign. Each ad is filed against the candidate it names, so money attacking an opponent shows on the opponent’s row. Open a candidate to see who spent it.
The campaign also refunded $21,275 in contributions, which the categories below do not include.
Total itemized disbursements $1,463,637
Every itemized payment the committee reported this cycle, sorted by what it said each one was for. The categories are ours; the wording they are matched against is the committee’s own. Open a category to read the filed descriptions and who was paid. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
All 324 itemized payments filed this cycle. Spending below the itemization threshold is not filed line by line.
5 payments were reported as a lump sum, such as a card or payroll bill, with the detail filed underneath as memo entries. Those entries, $10,253 in all, are counted under the payee and purpose they name rather than under the processor that was paid. The total is the same either way.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 2 payments · 25% of all spending | $549,718 |
| 24 payments · 9.3% of all spending | $206,483 |
| 9 payments · 5.8% of all spending | $129,359 |
| 20 payments · 4.4% of all spending | $97,295 |
| 18 payments · 4.1% of all spending | $91,732 |
| 15 payments · 2.7% of all spending | $59,550 |
| 8 payments · 2% of all spending | $44,750 |
| 8 payments · 1.8% of all spending | $40,000 |
The people, firms and committees paid the most, across every kind of payment. Each share is of everything the committee reported spending this cycle, not only the itemized payments above. A payee that is itself a committee links to its own profile.
| Occupation as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an occupation · 411 contributions · 20% of ranked | $131,930 |
| 51 contributions · 17% of ranked | $116,390 |
| 34 contributions · 6.8% of ranked | $45,700 |
| 32 contributions · 4.3% of ranked | $29,245 |
| 47 contributions · 2.9% of ranked | $19,455 |
| 15 contributions · 2.5% of ranked | $16,491 |
| 8 contributions · 2.4% of ranked | $15,950 |
| 9 contributions · 2.2% of ranked | $15,123 |
A further $9,500 came from donors whose answer names no occupation (blank), so it is not ranked. Itemized gifts over $200, grouped by the words donors filed: not an industry classification, and a gift from an employee is not a gift from the employer. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($183,748) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.