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Candidates › KY-03 race › 2025–2026
D Democratic nominee for U.S. House, KY-03
Representative since 2023
The same platforms’ other accounts, such as a congressional office’s or an earlier campaign’s.
12 priorities from morganmcgarvey.com, in the order they are listed there. Every heading and the text under it is copied exactly, as one passage for each page it is from, and links to that place on the page; hover a source to see which passage it opens.
I am running to address the existential threat of climate change so that future generations have a livable planet and aren’t constantly dealing with natural disasters like last December’s tornadoes that devastated entire communities in Western Kentucky or regular extreme flooding in Eastern Kentucky.
We must act now.
I support federal spending and tax incentives to dramatically expand renewable energy buildout in the United States, infrastructure spending to speed the deployment of electric vehicles, and tax incentives for consumer purchase of union-made and American-made electric vehicles. I support a federal clean energy standard that incentivizes investor-owned electric utilities to achieve greenhouse gas emissions reductions while creating millions of good-paying jobs to build the clean energy infrastructure necessary to make this transition. And I will fight for federal spending to incentivize rural electric cooperatives to transition to clean, renewable energy by relieving debt associated with coal-fired power plants, and conditioning such relief upon the coop’s investment in a clean energy transition.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · morganmcgarvey.com/issues/climate-change
The United States needs policies that grow our economy from the bottom up, by expanding the middle class with good-paying jobs that can support a family. In Congress, I will work to build an economy in which workers can thrive and get ahead, including by increasing wages, protecting workers’ rights to collectively bargain, and making it possible to raise a family while participating in the workforce.
We have to have economic policies that allow people to work, raise a family, and care for their loved ones. That’s why I support at least four weeks of paid family leave, subsidizing affordable child care and passing universal pre-Kindergarten so that young parents can afford to take care of their children and keep their careers.
I support increasing the federal minimum wage to $15/hour, and then indexing the minimum wage to inflation so that workers don’t start falling behind the moment they get a raise. And I believe we should require equal pay for equal work. I’ve proposed such an increase as the law in Kentucky and think it should be the law everywhere in our country.
And because I am serious about ending generational poverty, I support making the Child Tax Credit permanent. While it was in effect, the Child Tax Credit lifted nearly 4 million children out of poverty. Cutting child poverty has positive effects in both the immediate and long term. Aside from the immediate effect of giving families the resources they need to survive and thrive, It is associated with better lifelong outcomes for children in education, earnings in adulthood, and health.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · morganmcgarvey.com/issues/economy
Every kid should have the opportunity to go to a good public school that prepares them for a successful life, no matter your zip code. My wife and I are products of public schools, our kids go to public schools, and I have championed the interests of our teachers and public school employees, including stepping in to oppose Gov. Matt Bevin’s illegal gutting of the teacher retirement system and fighting to give our hardworking public education employees a raise. I am proud to have the backing of the Jefferson County Teachers Association, the Kentucky Education Association, and the National Education Association in my campaign for Congress.
At the federal level, it is time for the United States to expand public education to include universal pre-Kindergarten and free community college so that every Kentuckian can gain access to the skills they need to get a good, family-supporting job. I further believe we must sufficiently fund our public universities to make them affordable for all Americans.
Especially now, our teachers and public education employees deserve our gratitude and a raise, as they have taken care of our loved ones and risked their own health and safety during the COVID-19 pandemic.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · morganmcgarvey.com/issues/education
I believe health care is a basic human right. No one should receive a diagnosis and have to worry about going bankrupt, or be forced to choose between their prescription medications and paying for groceries. That’s why I support Medicare for All to ensure that everyone is covered with quality, affordable, accessible care.
When Congress passed the Affordable Care Act and Kentucky expanded Medicaid, we brought health insurance coverage to over 400,000 Kentuckians, many for the first time. It was a game changer for thousands of families in our commonwealth and was one of the greatest economic development policies ever passed in our state.
But there is still more work to be done. We need to shore up our rural health care systems. We must allow Medicare to negotiate drug prices with pharmaceutical companies. We must expand health insurance coverage to include vision, dental, and hearing. In Congress, I will continue this work to ensure that all Kentuckians have health care coverage that allows them to regularly see a doctor, access affordable prescription medication, and survive an emergency or catastrophic health diagnosis without incurring financial hardship.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · morganmcgarvey.com/issues/health-care
Immigration reform must reflect America’s democratic ideals and not create a second class of workers. A broad path to citizenship must be the centerpiece to any serious immigration reform that moves 11 million people out of the shadows. Instead of supporting commonsense, bipartisan reforms, too many in the other party want to make it hard for undocumented women to report crimes under the Violence Against Women Act, want to turn Census workers into immigration agents to reduce resources to communities in need, and want to force local law enforcement to take over immigration enforcement from the federal government instead of making our national immigration authorities better. All of these approaches are wrong and I will oppose them in Congress while fighting for comprehensive reform that provides a pathway to citizenship.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · morganmcgarvey.com/issues/immigration
I have stood shoulder to shoulder with organized labor in the state Senate, opposing Right to Work, protecting prevailing wage requirements for state contractors, and fighting against efforts to undermine the retirement benefits of our teachers and public employees.
In Congress, I will step up to level the playing field between workers and employers, not only to protect unions, but to grow them. If it doesn’t pass this year, I will be a cosponsor and a staunch supporter of the Protecting the Right to Organize (PRO) Act, to protect the right to form a union and collectively bargain, to ensure access to worksites, to protect workers during the critical period by banning captive audience meetings, and by mandating stiff financial penalties for employers who use union-busting tactics to keep their workers away from the negotiating table.
But we need more than just the PRO Act. In Congress, I will fight to ensure that the investments we make in infrastructure, expanded public education, renewable energy, and electric vehicles and batteries – like those that will be made in the proposed Ford plant in Hardin County – go to companies with union workforces. When we’ve seen real economic growth in this country; it has come because we have had a government willing to invest in our country’s infrastructure, and we have had union density near 35%. In Congress, I will be a vote and an advocate for ensuring that we get back to both.
I’m proud to be endorsed by over a dozen labor organizations from Louisville and across Kentucky, including the Kentucky AFL-CIO.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · morganmcgarvey.com/issues/labor
I support full legalization and decriminalization of marijuana at the federal level. Full legalization will not only create economic growth and tax revenue from a new, booming industry for Kentucky – it will also decrease our prison population, save millions in taxpayer dollars spent on incarceration, and undo decades of racist, unnecessary criminal convictions. Even though white and Black populations use marijuana at the same rates, Black people are exponentially more likely to be incarcerated for the same crime. Any bill that legalizes marijuana must also ensure that the legalization process commutes sentences and expunged convictions of low level offenders, and that profits from marijuana go to the communities most harmed by unfair drug laws and policing practices.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · morganmcgarvey.com/issues/legalize-marijuana
In 2022, we have seen a wave of anti-LGBTQ hatred and discrimination from Republican-controlled state governments across the country. Florida’s Don’t Say Gay law prohibits teaching about sexual identity and orientation, and Texas has begun attempts to prosecute parents of trans kids for child abuse. Republicans passed a bill that disallows trans kids from participating in sports right here at home in Kentucky.
In Congress, I will be a voice to protect the rights, dignity, and safety of LGBTQ Americans. I will be a vote for and a co-sponsor of the Equality Act, which prohibits discrimination based on sex, sexual orientation, and gender identity, as well as the LGBTQ Youth Act, which expands programs that prevent and treat child abuse and neglect to address issues facing LGBTQ Youth.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · morganmcgarvey.com/issues/lgbtq
The COVID-19 pandemic has upended every aspect of American life – from the economy to education to the tragedy of nearly 1 million deaths. The U.S. Government has the ability and an obligation to not only end the COVID-19 pandemic, but to do everything we can do to prevent the disruption, economic damage, and suffering caused by a future pandemic.
When the H1N1 health emergency hit we were able to tap into the national stockpile but because of short sightedness we didn’t fill the stockpile back up. There is no question lives were lost in COVID because of this. We cannot allow that to happen again. We must refill the stockpile and expand it for the next pandemic.
We also must invest more in research of likely pathogens, and developing prototype vaccines that will allow for rapid development and deployment of life-saving vaccines the next time a highly transmissible virus takes hold.
It also means enhancing our ability to review and assess biosecurity risks. We should be treating research labs that deal with pathogens with the same level of caution that we apply to nuclear material and airline safety. The work done here is incredibly important but one only has to look to the influenza A epidemic of 1977 or the more than 1,000 incidents between 2008 and 2012 to see that our current oversight system is simply insufficient.
We must ensure independent oversight of labs conducting dual-use research of concern and creating consequences for noncompliance with safety and security protocols. The safety oversight of this work should be controlled by those concerned with preventing the next pandemic, rather than by the scientist funding this important research. That is why such supervision should be moved away from the NIH and to the Office of the Assistant Secretary for Preparedness and Response.
We can save lives and prevent potentially trillions of dollars in economic losses by planning for the next pandemic, by incorporating air filtration, ventilation, and sterilization mechanisms into building codes – especially for our schools, hospitals, long-term care facilities, and transit systems. Just as sprinklers, fire extinguishers, and maximum occupancy requirements for public buildings have made catastrophic building fires a thing of the past in the United States, we can implement changes that make airborne pathogens like SARS-COV-2 less damaging and harmful to our families and our communities.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · morganmcgarvey.com/issues/pandemic-preparedness
The United States’ long history of racist economic policies has created a racial wealth gap between white Americans and Black and brown communities. I believe that it is the federal government’s duty to implement policies that acknowledge and address the systemic racism that is endemic in so much of our daily lives – from the education system to the justice system to banking, housing, and health care.
I support anti-poverty measures that would disproportionately pull Black and brown Americans out of poverty and allow them to prosper, such as making the Child Tax Credit permanent, passing the BOOST Act, expanding public education to include universal pre-K and free community college, and increasing access to quality, affordable health care.
We must also address the disparities with which Black Kentuckians are treated by police and by our criminal justice system. I support passage of the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act to ban some of the worst practices we’ve seen in policing and to take a step toward ending police brutality. After Breonna Taylor was killed by police in Louisville in the spring of 2020, I was proud to vote for a ban on no-knock warrants in Kentucky in Frankfort. I support a federal ban on no-knock warrants in Congress.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · morganmcgarvey.com/issues/racial-justice
I will always fight for a woman's right to an abortion. In the wake of the Dobbs decision in June of this year, Kentucky immediately activated one of the most extreme and inhumane abortion laws in the country. Right now, in Kentucky, women don't have access to legal abortion — this ban does not even include exceptions for rape or incest. This has immediate real and devastating consequences for Kentucky women and girls. For example, if an underage girl becomes pregnant as the result of rape, she will be forced to carry that pregnancy to term or have to cross state lines.
This is despicable, and Congress needs to step up in order to fix it. I will be a vote to put Roe v. Wade into federal law, so that a woman's right to terminate her pregnancy and make healthcare decisions that are right for her cannot be taken away by state legislatures across the country. I will also continue to fight in Congress for increased access to quality, affordable health care, especially comprehensive reproductive, maternal, and newborn health care, and will vote to require that health insurance providers cover birth control.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · morganmcgarvey.com/issues/reproductive-rights
Our democracy works best when we hear from all Americans, and we need voting reform that allows more Americans to vote. Congress must pass the John R. Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act to guarantee access to the ballot for all Americans. We must expand absentee voting, allow for automatic voter registration, same-day voter registration, allow for early voting and ballot dropboxes to make it more convenient for more people to vote, and make election day a federal holiday.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · morganmcgarvey.com/issues/voting-and-democracy
98% of their votes went with their party’s majority; they broke with it 15 times in the 119th Congress.
House Committee on Small Business
House Committee on Veterans' Affairs
Matching this candidate against the House and Senate voting records…
The CRS policy areas of McGarvey’s 48 substantive sponsored measures, Congresses 117, 118, 119; the figure is how many fall in each. Sponsorship indicates legislative focus, not every policy position. GovInfo source ↗
FEC filings, Jan 1, 2025 to Oct 14, 2026 · Official FEC bulk data · committee C00791392
66¢ of every dollar raised has been spent across 9 reports ($1.3M of $2M). Cash on hand went from $1.3M on Mar 31, 2025 to $1.9M on Oct 14, 2026.
| Report | Raised in the period | Spent in the period | Cash on hand at its close |
|---|---|---|---|
| APRIL QUARTERLY 2025 through Mar 31, 2025 | $199,418 | $195,569 | $1,267,265 |
| JULY QUARTERLY 2025 through Jun 30, 2025 | $256,063 | $176,891 | $1,346,437 |
| OCTOBER QUARTERLY 2025 through Sep 30, 2025 | $304,221 | $139,981 | $1,510,677 |
| YEAR-END 2025 through Dec 31, 2025 | $411,250 | $112,637 | $1,809,290 |
| APRIL QUARTERLY 2026 through Mar 31, 2026 | $197,616 | $303,385 | $1,703,521 |
| PRE-PRIMARY 2026 through Apr 29, 2026 | $80,432 | $58,090 | $1,725,863 |
| JULY QUARTERLY 2026 through Jun 30, 2026 | $184,685 | $96,788 | $1,813,760 |
| OCTOBER QUARTERLY 2026 through Sep 30, 2026 | $332,206 | $170,862 | $1,975,104 |
| PRE-GENERAL 2026 through Oct 14, 2026 | $32,439 | $73,697 | $1,933,846 |
Each report’s own period, as filed with the FEC; a report filed again counts once, as its latest copy.
119 endorsers listed on Morgan McGarvey’s own campaign site: 57 officials, 31 unions, 27 organizations, 4 people.
This is the campaign's claim, checked by an editor against its page; the endorsers have not confirmed it to us. Each name opens the campaign’s page with that name highlighted.
Governor of Kentucky
Lt. Governor of Kentucky
Mayor of Louisville
Commonwealth’s Attorney
County Clerk · State Senator
Metro Council President
PVA
Judge Executive
Won · 156,205 votes (59%) · 1 of 2 · Full results ↗
Every contest for this seat that named this candidate, most recent last; a result is shown once the race is called. Election dates and results from civicAPI (civicapi.org). civicAPI aggregates results from Secretaries of State and equivalent election bodies, and makes its own race calls. civicapi.org ↗
Official FEC filing record for the current cycle. The priorities they publish are quoted from their own site, in their order.
Statements are quoted from these pages exactly. Headings, order and wording are the campaign’s; the record marking is ours.
A donor who gave several times appears once. The 12 largest donors by total given are listed. In all, 1,896 itemized contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $768.1K.
The 12 largest committees by total given are listed. In all, 358 committee contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $695.1K. Counted from the givers' own filings, which can run above the total the campaign itself reports.
Money moved in from the candidate’s other authorized committees, such as a joint fundraising committee. It was raised once and is reported again here on arrival. The largest of the sources is listed. In all, 7 transfers were filed this cycle, totaling $122.3K.
Total reported receipts $1,998,328
Every dollar the committee reported receiving this cycle, split by the source the FEC filing attributes it to. Open a source marked + to see who gave. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
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Tap or hover over a state, or focus the map and use the arrow keys, to read its total. Ctrl or ⌘ and scroll to zoom.
81% of the money placed by state came from inside Kentucky: $620.3K of $768.1K.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 1,716 contributions · 81% | $620,341 |
| 38 contributions · 3.7% | $28,650 |
| 17 contributions · 2.7% | $21,050 |
| 17 contributions · 2.6% | $20,250 |
| 10 contributions · 2% | $15,500 |
| 8 contributions · 1.6% | $12,250 |
| 20 contributions · 1.6% | $11,950 |
| 3 contributions · 0.9% | $7,250 |
By the state each donor wrote on the filing, across 25 states and territories. Donors who have given $200 or less this cycle are not itemized, so they cannot be placed on a map. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total.
| Employer as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an employer · 922 contributions · 28% of ranked | $189,212 |
| Written instead of an employer · 173 contributions · 11% of ranked | $77,564 |
| 4 contributions · 2.1% of ranked | $14,000 |
| Written instead of an employer · 27 contributions · 1.6% of ranked | $10,565 |
| 3 contributions · 1.5% of ranked | $10,500 |
| 3 contributions · 1.1% of ranked | $7,500 |
| 2 contributions · 1% of ranked | $7,000 |
| 2 contributions · 1% of ranked | $7,000 |
A further $48,970 came from donors whose answer names no employer (N/A, None, blank), so it is not ranked. Ranked from the largest 200 of 201 employer spellings filed; each share is of the money in those. Itemized gifts over $200, grouped by the words donors filed: not an industry classification, and a gift from an employee is not a gift from the employer. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($172,446) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.
Money groups spent on their own, not through a campaign. Each ad is filed against the candidate it names, so money attacking an opponent shows on the opponent’s row. Open a candidate to see who spent it.
The campaign also refunded $3,566 in contributions, which the categories below do not include.
Total itemized disbursements $941,252
Every itemized payment the committee reported this cycle, sorted by what it said each one was for. The categories are ours; the wording they are matched against is the committee’s own. Open a category to read the filed descriptions and who was paid. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
All 844 itemized payments filed this cycle. Spending below the itemization threshold is not filed line by line.
18 payments were reported as a lump sum, such as a card or payroll bill, with the detail filed underneath as memo entries. Those entries, $97,430 in all, are counted under the payee and purpose they name rather than under the processor that was paid. The total is the same either way.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 18 payments · 16% of all spending | $218,953 |
| 19 payments · 8.9% of all spending | $117,975 |
| 18 payments · 7% of all spending | $93,418 |
| 30 payments · 5.8% of all spending | $77,146 |
| 35 payments · 5% of all spending | $66,727 |
| 13 payments · 3% of all spending | $40,254 |
| 1 payment · 3% of all spending | $40,000 |
| 2 payments · 2.4% of all spending | $32,000 |
The people, firms and committees paid the most, across every kind of payment. Each share is of everything the committee reported spending this cycle, not only the itemized payments above. A payee that is itself a committee links to its own profile.
| Occupation as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an occupation · 922 contributions · 25% of ranked | $190,222 |
| 117 contributions · 12% of ranked | $90,445 |
| Written instead of an occupation · 48 contributions · 4.2% of ranked | $31,650 |
| 61 contributions · 3.3% of ranked | $25,075 |
| 18 contributions · 2.8% of ranked | $21,200 |
| 34 contributions · 2.3% of ranked | $17,550 |
| Written instead of an occupation · 7 contributions · 2.1% of ranked | $15,500 |
| 8 contributions · 2% of ranked | $15,250 |
A further $17,250 came from donors whose answer names no occupation (blank), so it is not ranked. Ranked from the largest 200 of 201 occupation spellings filed; each share is of the money in those. Itemized gifts over $200, grouped by the words donors filed: not an industry classification, and a gift from an employee is not a gift from the employer. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($172,446) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.