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Loading this committee’s profile from its FEC filings.
Where They Stand is a nonpartisan guide to everyone running for Congress: their money, their own words and how incumbents voted. Find your ballot →
PACs › Party committee (qualified) › 2025–2026
FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026 · FEC bulk filing data · committee C00167320 · files monthly
19 priorities from the committee’s own site, in the order they are listed there. Every heading and the text under it is copied exactly, as one passage for each page it is from, and links to that place on the page; hover a source to see which passage it opens.
In America’s 250th year, the Constitution State continues to be a model for fulfilling the promises laid out by our founders.
The foundations of our republic have been severely shaken in recent years, testing the resiliency of America, its states, and its people in ways unimaginable just a few years ago.
Connecticut Democrats are showing the way forward.
We are setting an example for the nation by proudly standing up for and fighting to protect our state and its residents.
This includes, but is not limited to:
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · ctdems.org/issues/issue-1
Heading as listed on ctdems.org/platform ↗ (opens ctdems.org/platform at this heading)
We believe housing is a right and not a luxury.
And those who experience disruptions in safe and dignified housing are our neighbors; persevering, day and night, against conditions that should not exist in one of the wealthiest states in the nation.
Connecticut Democrats' approach centers on substantially increasing supply; building, rehabilitating, preserving housing units across the state, and supporting financial incentives and programs for first-time home buyers.
That means easing zoning restrictions, expanding tax credits for developers, converting vacant properties to residential use, investing in brownfield and commercial remediation, and advancing transit-oriented development.
Policymakers must focus on the root causes of this crisis.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · ctdems.org/issues/housing
Heading as listed on ctdems.org/platform ↗ (opens ctdems.org/platform at this heading)
The federal government has cut the subsidies that made coverage affordable for hundreds of thousands of our residents.
People are already delaying surgeries, skipping treatment, and going into debt just to access basic care.
That is a crisis, and Connecticut Democrats are fighting back.
We also recognize that racism is a public health crisis, one that produces measurable, documented disparities in who gets care, who gets believed, and who survives.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · ctdems.org/issues/environment
Heading as listed on ctdems.org/platform ↗ (opens ctdems.org/platform at this heading)
Climate change is not a future threat.
Connecticut experienced four heat waves in the summer of 2025.
Our cities flood, our air worsens, our coastline erodes.
We will advocate for sustainable policies.
Revolution Wind, Connecticut's offshore wind project, was stopped twice by the Trump administration on fabricated national security grounds.
Connecticut sued, a federal judge ruled the government failed to cite any legitimate reason, and the project came online.
That fight is not over, and neither are we.
We will strengthen the Renewable Portfolio Standard, expand solar, modernize the grid, and refuse to let utility companies rake in massive profits year over year at the expense of families' financial security.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · ctdems.org/issues/rules-article-iii
Heading as listed on ctdems.org/platform ↗ (opens ctdems.org/platform at this heading)
We must work toward energy independence through alternative sources of energy, including the development and incentivizing the equitable location of wind, solar, and other green technologies and developments while focusing on preserving and protecting prime farmland soils.
We will address rate increases and return of investment guarantee for utility companies with the intention of putting affordability for ratepayers first.
We also encourage the development of true public utility authorities, whether by expanding the model deployed in communities around the state or by a state authority that coordinates those efforts.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · ctdems.org/issues/energy
Heading as listed on ctdems.org/platform ↗ (opens ctdems.org/platform at this heading)
Connecticut Democrats support reform to the criminal-legal system that ensures and enforces fair and equitable treatment for all, especially our Black and Hispanic neighbors that have been overpoliced and over sentenced.
We believe reform must incorporate every aspect of the criminal-legal system, including what we choose to criminalize, the practices and behavior of law enforcement professionals; charging, sentencing, and bail; treatment of those incarcerated; diversion and rehabilitation; and the full reintegration of formerly incarcerated individuals into our neighborhoods.
Over policing and over sentencing, predominantly impacting Black and Hispanic people, not only disrupts communities but it fractures families.
There is no justice without compassion.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · ctdems.org/issues/lgbtqia-rights
Heading as listed on ctdems.org/platform ↗ (opens ctdems.org/platform at this heading)
Racism, in its many forms, must be identified, acknowledged, and rooted out wherever it is found.
Whether in education, healthcare, housing, or hiring, Connecticut Democrats affirm that negative outcomes for people of color are the end results of racist policies and discriminatory practices, that these practices often constitute a public health crisis, and we are committed to permanently correcting the systems that produce them.
Those systems include the criminal-legal system, where over-policing and over-incarceration have caused historic and deep-seated destruction of families and communities.
That commitment begins inside our own Party.
Racial justice is a collective responsibility.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · ctdems.org/issues/racial-equity
Heading as listed on ctdems.org/platform ↗ (opens ctdems.org/platform at this heading)
Connecticut's LGBTQIA+ community reflects the full diversity of all who call our state home, and deserves full equality, full safety, and full freedom to live openly.
We recognize this community is not monolithic, yet spans every race, religion, ethnicity, and background, so our policies must reflect its full diversity, especially those most often left behind.
Across the country, rights are being stripped away, healthcare denied, identities restricted, books banned, people subjected to conversion therapy, people excluded from public life.
We will not be passive while our neighbors are targeted.
When LGBTQIA+ people thrive, Connecticut thrives.
That is not just a matter of rights.
It is a measure of who we are.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · ctdems.org/issues/rules-article-viii
Heading as listed on ctdems.org/platform ↗ (opens ctdems.org/platform at this heading)
The state's five-year transportation capital plan programs more than $15 billion in improvements through 2030, including major investments in rail, bus rapid transit, bridges, and roadways.
But the Trump administration has already shown it will use federal funding as a weapon.
Connecticut Democrats will fight every attempt to politicize infrastructure money that Connecticut communities have earned and depend on.
Broadband access is infrastructure too.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · ctdems.org/issues/infrastructure-transportation
Heading as listed on ctdems.org/platform ↗ (opens ctdems.org/platform at this heading)
Connecticut Democrats embrace all members of our community, including immigrants, refugees, asylees and workers who are entitled to equitable treatment, respect, and dignity across all settings—within their homes, workplaces, places of worship, the legal system, and throughout the state.
We honor and support the valuable contributions made by immigrants and believe that undocumented immigrants be afforded meaningful and accessible pathways within the legal system to achieve permanent status.
The Connecticut House voted to expand the Trust Act, the Senate passed legislation making certain areas off-limits for immigration detention, creating a process for residents to sue federal agents who violate their constitutional rights, and limiting the sharing of personal data like home addresses, workplaces, and court appointment times.
Congress must play its role.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · ctdems.org/issues/immigration
Heading as listed on ctdems.org/platform ↗ (opens ctdems.org/platform at this heading)
Connecticut Democrats believe that disability rights are civil rights, human rights, and economic rights.
We are committed to building a state where disabled people are not merely accommodated, but fully included, empowered, and represented in every aspect of public life.
Disability is a natural part of the human experience, and our policies must reflect dignity, interdependence, accessibility, and collective care.
Connecticut Democrats affirm disability culture, identity, and language.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · ctdems.org/issues/disability
Heading as listed on ctdems.org/platform ↗ (opens ctdems.org/platform at this heading)
Connecticut Democrats are committed to full gender justice and equality for all people, grounded in an intersectional understanding of how race, class, gender identity, sexual orientation, disability, immigration status, and geography shape lived experience.
We affirm that reproductive justice is essential to human dignity, the right to have children, to not have children, and to raise children in safe, healthy, and well-resourced communities.
Connecticut Democrats unequivocally believe and will defend that every person has the right to make their own decisions about their body, their family, and their future, supported by evidence-based health and science recommendations.
Gender justice also requires economic justice, safety, and political power.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · ctdems.org/issues/womens-rights
Heading as listed on ctdems.org/platform ↗ (opens ctdems.org/platform at this heading)
Each part reads different filings, so counts and totals can differ.
Direct PAC contributions and independent expenditures explicitly reported as support, by the party of the candidate they went to.
No candidate-directed contributions or explicitly supportive independent expenditures were returned.
Contributions are reported money, not endorsements; a PAC giving to both parties is common.
Every contribution on line 23 of the committee’s own Schedule B, which is the filing its summary totals are built from. That line covers federal candidates, party committees and other political committees alike, so a super PAC funding other super PACs appears here rather than under candidate giving.
| Recipient | Count | Amount |
|---|---|---|
| Democratic party committees | 1 | $5.9K · 100% |
| All recipients | 1 | $5.9K |
No recipient here is matched to a candidate with a state on record.
Bars drawn to $5.9K, the largest gift total here. 2025–2026 filings.
Nothing loaded
Candidate contribution rows come from candidate committee Schedule A filings, the same rows the party chart above counts.
Money moving between this committee and other committees, matched on FEC committee ID rather than the name each filing was typed under. Both sides exclude memo entries. The figures here count each committee once, from the itemized transfers read for this section, so they will not match the payment counts under Who this PAC gave to.
Committees that reported giving to this one on their own Schedule A filings, grouped by the giver’s committee ID.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| Party committee (qualified) · Connected to DEMOCRATIC GRASSROOTS VICTORY FUND · 35 payments | $253.9K |
| PAC (nonqualified) · 11 payments | $175.2K |
| Party committee (qualified) · 1 payment | $100K |
| PAC (nonqualified) · 2 payments |
A donor who gave several times appears once. The 12 largest donors by total given are listed. In all, 1,177 itemized contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $640.1K. FEC contributor lists are public records and cannot be used for commercial solicitation.
The 5 largest committees by total given are listed. Counted from the givers' own filings, which can run above the total this committee reports.
The 15 largest sources are listed. Each as the committee named it on this line, $104.2K from 72 sources in all.
Total reported receipts $2,057,828
Every dollar the committee reported receiving this cycle, split by the source the FEC filing attributes it to. Open a source marked + to see who gave. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
Loading the map
Tap or hover over a state, or focus the map and use the arrow keys, to read its total. Ctrl or ⌘ and scroll to zoom.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 1,112 contributions · 93% | $595,977 |
| 4 contributions · 2.8% | $18,210 |
| 25 contributions · 2.1% | $13,300 |
| 2 contributions · 1.2% | $7,500 |
| 15 contributions · 0.5% | $3,000 |
| 1 contribution · <0.1% | $500 |
| 3 contributions · <0.1% | $434 |
Total reported disbursements $1,980,406
Every dollar this committee reported spending this cycle, split by the lines it reports against. Open a line to see who was actually paid on it. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
$2M spent from Jan 2025 to Oct 2026. Most in one report: $202.6K, October 2025.
The running total of what the committee’s FEC reports say it spent, independent expenditures included, with a point at the end of each report. The line is straight between reports because a report gives one total for its whole period.
Published by the Commission against this committee’s own FEC ID. An audit is a periodic examination that reports findings; an administrative fine is a penalty for filing a specific report late or not at all. They are separate instruments and are not combined into a score here.
2018 cycleReport released Feb 23, 2022
Late 30G report, 2018$9.3K assessed
Case 3633 at the FEC ↗Source: the Commission’s audit-case and administrative-fine records, joined on this committee’s FEC ID, imported Oct 26, 2026. Enforcement matters (MURs) are published only against respondent names, with no committee identifier, so they are not shown here rather than being matched by name.
No lobbying disclosures matched
Connecticut Democratic State Central Committee is registered with the Federal Election Commission as a party committee (qualified). Its FEC record names Democratic Grassroots Victory Fund as an affiliate. Official FEC summary: Federal Election Commission committee record.
Statements are quoted from these pages exactly. Headings, order and wording are the committee’s or its sponsor’s; the record marking is ours.
Connecticut Democratic State Central Committee is matched to organization records using the FEC committee identity, structured identifiers, and corroborated organization data.
LittleSis data is shared under CC BY-SA 4.0.
| $65.4K |
| Senate campaign committee · Connected to CHRIS MURPHY VICTORY FUND · 1 payment | $29K |
| PAC (nonqualified) · 1 payment | $22.6K |
| PAC (nonqualified) · 1 payment | $20K |
| PAC (qualified) · Connected to THE TRAVELERS COMPANIES INC. · 2 payments | $10K |
| PAC (qualified) · Connected to SWEDISH MATCH NORTH AMERICA LLC · 2 payments | $10K |
| PAC (qualified) · Connected to UNITEDHEALTH GROUP INCORPORATED · 2 payments | $10K |
| PAC (qualified) · Connected to THE CIGNA GROUP · 3 payments | $9K |
| PAC (qualified) · Connected to CVS HEALTH · 2 payments | $8K |
$789.3K from 31 committees, counting every itemized receipt this cycle. The largest 12 are shown.
Disbursements this committee itemized to another committee: candidate contributions, party transfers and payments alike, not contributions only.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| Party committee (qualified) · Connected to DEMOCRATIC GRASSROOTS VICTORY FUND · 19 payments | $55.9K |
| Party committee (nonqualified) · Connected to DNC SERVICES CORP / DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE · 5 payments | $23.6K |
| Party committee (qualified) · 1 payment | $20K |
| 1 payment | $2.6K |
$102.1K across 4 recipient committees, or 5.2% of everything this committee reports spending.
Built from FEC Schedule A and Schedule B filings for the selected cycle. A committee only appears here if the money was itemized under its FEC committee ID.
| $375 |
By the state each contributor wrote on the filing. The FEC aggregates every Schedule A line together, so one committee or organization transfer can account for a whole state. Contributors who have given $200 or less this cycle are not itemized and cannot be placed on a map. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total.
| Employer as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an employer · 213 contributions · 27% of ranked | $162,966 |
| Written instead of an employer · 117 contributions · 8.6% of ranked | $52,299 |
| Written instead of an employer · 236 contributions · 5.9% of ranked | $35,913 |
| 10 contributions · 2.6% of ranked | $15,975 |
| 2 contributions · 2.1% of ranked | $12,500 |
| 2 contributions · 1.7% of ranked | $10,500 |
| 1 contribution · 1.6% of ranked | $10,000 |
| 1 contribution · 1.6% of ranked | $10,000 |
A further $15,200 came from donors whose answer names no employer (None, blank), so it is not ranked. Ranked from the largest 200 of 201 employer spellings filed; each share is of the money in those. Itemized receipts grouped by the words contributors filed. The FEC aggregates every Schedule A line here, so committee and organization money sits alongside individuals; this is not an industry classification. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($143,701) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.
| Occupation as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an occupation · 215 contributions · 26% of ranked | $161,691 |
| 89 contributions · 12% of ranked | $73,176 |
| Written instead of an occupation · 236 contributions · 5.7% of ranked | $35,691 |
| 16 contributions · 5.3% of ranked | $33,300 |
| 52 contributions · 3.8% of ranked | $23,496 |
| 5 contributions · 2.9% of ranked | $18,250 |
| 12 contributions · 2.3% of ranked | $14,125 |
| 10 contributions · 2.1% of ranked | $13,350 |
A further $14,600 came from donors whose answer names no occupation (N/A, None, blank), so it is not ranked. Itemized receipts grouped by the words contributors filed. The FEC aggregates every Schedule A line here, so committee and organization money sits alongside individuals; this is not an industry classification. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($143,701) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.
Total itemized disbursements $844,229
Every itemized payment the committee reported this cycle, sorted by what it said each one was for. The categories are ours; the wording they are matched against is the committee’s own. Open a category to read the filed descriptions and who was paid. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
All 576 itemized payments filed this cycle. Spending below the itemization threshold is not filed line by line.
10 payments were reported as a lump sum, such as a card or payroll bill, with the detail filed underneath as memo entries. Those entries, $4,413 in all, are counted under the payee and purpose they name rather than under the processor that was paid. The total is the same either way.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 5 payments · 11% of all spending | $223,994 |
| 20 payments · 5.3% of all spending | $105,152 |
| 22 payments · 4.1% of all spending | $81,050 |
| 19 payments · 2.8% of all spending | $55,882 |
| 11 payments · 2.2% of all spending | $43,624 |
| 9 payments · 2% of all spending | $39,124 |
| 38 payments · 1.9% of all spending | $37,630 |
| 3 payments · 1.8% of all spending | $35,928 |
The people, firms and committees paid the most, across every kind of payment. Each share is of everything the committee reported spending this cycle, not only the itemized payments above. A payee that is itself a committee links to its own profile.