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Loading this candidate’s profile from the FEC filings and campaign records.
Where They Stand is a nonpartisan guide to everyone running for Congress: their money, their own words and how incumbents voted. Find your ballot →
Candidates › LA-06 race › 2025–2026
R Republican nominee for U.S. House, LA-06
Has not served in Congress
11 priorities from blakemiguez.com, in the order they are listed there. Every heading and the text under it is copied exactly, as one passage for each page it is from, and links to that place on the page; hover a source to see which passage it opens.
Blake passed the law extending Louisiana’s statute of limitations on political corruption, so crooked politicians get prosecuted even after they leave office. He took on entrenched officials in his own party to do it. In Washington he’ll push term limits and a permanent ban on members trading individual stocks.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · blakemiguez.com/issues
Heading as listed on blakemiguez.com/issues ↗ (opens blakemiguez.com/issues at this heading)
Families shouldn’t have to choose between keeping the lights on, putting food on the table, paying the rent or mortgage, and getting the healthcare they need. Blake will work to lower everyday costs, including electricity and energy bills, housing, groceries, insurance, and healthcare, so that hardworking people can breathe easier, build stability, and get ahead again.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · blakemiguez.com/issues
Heading as listed on blakemiguez.com/issues ↗ (opens blakemiguez.com/issues at this heading)
Too many Louisiana kids leave our state to pursue their futures. Blake will cut the taxes and federal red tape that drive employers out, back the trades and technical training that put people to work without six figures of debt, and fight for the industries Louisiana actually runs on: energy, petrochemicals, shipbuilding, agriculture, tourism, and the ports. Blake is the only candidate who has always voted against increasing the costs of hardworking Louisianians.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · blakemiguez.com/issues
Heading as listed on blakemiguez.com/issues ↗ (opens blakemiguez.com/issues at this heading)
Blake wrote the Louisiana law forcing New Orleans to follow immigration law and quickly deport violent illegal immigrants. In Congress he’ll finish the wall, fund the agents, end catch-and-release, mandate E-Verify, and treat the cartels as the foreign terrorist organizations they are.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · blakemiguez.com/issues
Heading as listed on blakemiguez.com/issues ↗ (opens blakemiguez.com/issues at this heading)
Louisiana’s energy industry is the backbone of too many families and communities to treat it like an afterthought. In Congress, Blake will fight to get LNG export permits approved, stop the slow-walking of Gulf leasing, and push real permitting reform that actually works. He’ll also work to end the government handouts that keep certain energy sources afloat while our people get left behind. It’s time to stand up for the energy that keeps our state running and our neighbors working.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · blakemiguez.com/issues
Heading as listed on blakemiguez.com/issues ↗ (opens blakemiguez.com/issues at this heading)
Blake led the charge for Constitutional Carry in Louisiana. He became a USPSA Grand Master at seventeen and competed on national television. No one needs to explain the Second Amendment to Blake. No national registry, no red-flag confiscation, no "assault weapon" ban, end the NFA, and pass national concealed carry reciprocity.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · blakemiguez.com/issues
Heading as listed on blakemiguez.com/issues ↗ (opens blakemiguez.com/issues at this heading)
Fund the police, prosecute violent criminals, and stop treating repeat offenders like first-timers. Blake will back Louisiana sheriffs and deputies with the resources and the legal backing to do the job.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · blakemiguez.com/issues
Heading as listed on blakemiguez.com/issues ↗ (opens blakemiguez.com/issues at this heading)
Blake helped lead the effort to keep men out of girls’ bathrooms and out of women’s sports. He’ll carry the same fight to Washington. Girls deserve their own locker rooms and a fair shot at the podium.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · blakemiguez.com/issues
Heading as listed on blakemiguez.com/issues ↗ (opens blakemiguez.com/issues at this heading)
Blake passed the law banning Big Tech private funding from interfering in Louisiana elections. Voter ID, proof of citizenship, and no foreign money running our elections. Congress needs to pass the SAVE America Act and get it to the President’s desk. Only American citizens should be deciding American elections. If people don’t trust the process, nothing else matters.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · blakemiguez.com/issues
Heading as listed on blakemiguez.com/issues ↗ (opens blakemiguez.com/issues at this heading)
Blake wrote Louisiana’s ban on ultra-processed food in school cafeterias and passed it through the legislature. The Trump White House invited him to the MAHA Leadership Conference. In Congress, Blake will take on the big food industry that’s putting chemicals in our kids’ food, because parents should be in charge of their children’s health and their children’s education, not a federal agency and not the food industry.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · blakemiguez.com/issues
Heading as listed on blakemiguez.com/issues ↗ (opens blakemiguez.com/issues at this heading)
Blake is pro-life. He believes every child deserves a chance at the life God gave them. In Congress he will vote against taxpayer funding for abortion, protect the conscience rights of doctors and nurses, and stand with mothers who choose life.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · blakemiguez.com/issues
Heading as listed on blakemiguez.com/issues ↗ (opens blakemiguez.com/issues at this heading)
FEC filings, Jun 16, 2025 to Oct 14, 2026 · Official FEC bulk data · committee C00908459
80¢ of every dollar raised has been spent across 8 reports ($6.2M of $7.7M). Cash on hand went from $1.7M on Jun 30, 2025 to $1.5M on Oct 14, 2026.
| Report | Raised in the period | Spent in the period | Cash on hand at its close |
|---|---|---|---|
| JULY QUARTERLY 2025 through Jun 30, 2025 | $1,821,573 | $78,986 | $1,742,587 |
| OCTOBER QUARTERLY 2025 through Sep 30, 2025 | $1,216,319 | $411,932 | $2,546,975 |
| YEAR-END 2025 through Dec 31, 2025 | $1,744,682 | $652,061 | $3,639,596 |
| APRIL QUARTERLY 2026 through Mar 31, 2026 | $1,393,554 | $1,046,018 | $3,987,132 |
| JULY QUARTERLY 2026 through Jun 30, 2026 | $388,431 | $2,322,830 | $2,052,733 |
| PRE-PRIMARY 2026 through Jul 18, 2026 | $47,850 | $68,693 | $2,031,890 |
| OCTOBER QUARTERLY 2026 through Sep 30, 2026 | $1,032,611 | $939,292 | $2,125,209 |
| PRE-GENERAL 2026 through Oct 14, 2026 | $104,585 | $695,280 | $1,534,513 |
Each report’s own period, as filed with the FEC; a report filed again counts once, as its latest copy.
Each loan as the campaign’s report through Oct 14, 2026 lists it, with what is still owed. A loan from an earlier cycle can appear here, and one repaid in full drops off the report, so the list need not add up to the row.
6 endorsers listed on Blake Miguez’s own campaign site: 1 party, 2 officials, 3 organizations.
This is the campaign's claim, checked by an editor against its page; the endorsers have not confirmed it to us. Each name opens the campaign’s page with that name highlighted.
Election not held yet · Full results ↗
Every contest for this seat that named this candidate, most recent last; a result is shown once the race is called. Election dates and results from civicAPI (civicapi.org). civicAPI aggregates results from Secretaries of State and equivalent election bodies, and makes its own race calls. civicapi.org ↗
Official FEC filing record for the current cycle. The priorities they publish are quoted from their own site, in their order.
Statements are quoted from these pages exactly. Headings, order and wording are the campaign’s; the record marking is ours.
A donor who gave several times appears once. The 12 largest donors by total given are listed. In all, 1,125 itemized contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $2.9M.
Money moved in from the candidate’s other authorized committees, such as a joint fundraising committee. It was raised once and is reported again here on arrival. The largest of the sources is listed. In all, 9 transfers were filed this cycle, totaling $227.7K.
The 12 largest committees by total given are listed. In all, 31 committee contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $102.5K. Counted from the givers' own filings, which can run above the total the campaign itself reports.
Total reported receipts $7,749,606
Every dollar the committee reported receiving this cycle, split by the source the FEC filing attributes it to. Open a source marked + to see who gave. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
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Tap or hover over a state, or focus the map and use the arrow keys, to read its total. Ctrl or ⌘ and scroll to zoom.
83% of the money placed by state came from inside Louisiana: $2.4M of $2.9M.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 804 contributions · 83% | $2,435,988 |
| 105 contributions · 9.6% | $281,791 |
| 46 contributions · 1.8% | $52,836 |
| 12 contributions · 0.7% | $21,839 |
| 4 contributions · 0.7% | $21,773 |
| 17 contributions · 0.6% | $17,475 |
| 8 contributions · 0.5% | $15,131 |
| 18 contributions · 0.5% | $13,917 |
By the state each donor wrote on the filing, across 36 states and territories. Donors who have given $200 or less this cycle are not itemized, so they cannot be placed on a map. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total.
| Employer as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an employer · 390 contributions · 22% of ranked | $535,984 |
| Written instead of an employer · 61 contributions · 6.5% of ranked | $156,603 |
| Written instead of an employer · 8 contributions · 2.3% of ranked | $54,750 |
| 5 contributions · 1.7% of ranked | $41,000 |
| 13 contributions · 1.6% of ranked | $37,500 |
| 3 contributions · 1.3% of ranked | $31,500 |
| 2 contributions · 1.3% of ranked | $31,500 |
| 2 contributions · 1.3% of ranked | $31,500 |
A further $196,527 came from donors whose answer names no employer (N/A, None, blank), so it is not ranked. Ranked from the largest 200 of 201 employer spellings filed; each share is of the money in those. Itemized gifts over $200, grouped by the words donors filed: not an industry classification, and a gift from an employee is not a gift from the employer. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($587,711) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.
Money groups spent on their own, not through a campaign. Each ad is filed against the candidate it names, so money attacking an opponent shows on the opponent’s row. Open a candidate to see who spent it.
The campaign also refunded $87,402 in contributions, which the categories below do not include.
Total itemized disbursements $5,051,877
Every itemized payment the committee reported this cycle, sorted by what it said each one was for. The categories are ours; the wording they are matched against is the committee’s own. Open a category to read the filed descriptions and who was paid. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
All 1,949 itemized payments filed this cycle. Spending below the itemization threshold is not filed line by line.
33 payments were reported as a lump sum, such as a card or payroll bill, with the detail filed underneath as memo entries. Those entries, $117,009 in all, are counted under the payee and purpose they name rather than under the processor that was paid. The total is the same either way.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 30 payments · 34% of all spending | $2,108,755 |
| 22 payments · 3.6% of all spending | $222,618 |
| 25 payments · 3.3% of all spending | $203,062 |
| 3 payments · 2.8% of all spending | $171,768 |
| 4 payments · 2.4% of all spending | $146,250 |
| 2 payments · 2.3% of all spending | $141,760 |
| 3 payments · 2.3% of all spending | $140,000 |
| 4 payments · 2.2% of all spending | $138,000 |
The people, firms and committees paid the most, across every kind of payment. Each share is of everything the committee reported spending this cycle, not only the itemized payments above. A payee that is itself a committee links to its own profile.
| Occupation as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an occupation · 390 contributions · 19% of ranked | $534,984 |
| 121 contributions · 19% of ranked | $534,099 |
| 55 contributions · 9.2% of ranked | $263,858 |
| 41 contributions · 6.8% of ranked | $193,318 |
| Written instead of an occupation · 26 contributions · 6.4% of ranked | $183,750 |
| 13 contributions · 2.7% of ranked | $77,084 |
| 29 contributions · 2.2% of ranked | $63,595 |
| Written instead of an occupation · 21 contributions · 2.1% of ranked | $60,038 |
A further $63,027 came from donors whose answer names no occupation (None, blank), so it is not ranked. Ranked from the largest 200 of 201 occupation spellings filed; each share is of the money in those. Itemized gifts over $200, grouped by the words donors filed: not an industry classification, and a gift from an employee is not a gift from the employer. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($587,711) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.