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Loading this committee’s profile from its FEC filings.
Where They Stand is a nonpartisan guide to everyone running for Congress: their money, their own words and how incumbents voted. Find your ballot →
PACs › Hybrid PAC (nonqualified) › 2025–2026
FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026 · FEC bulk filing data · committee C00756940 · files quarterly
Notices dated after Oct 14, 2026 are added; earlier ones are already in the regular reports.
“Texas is a battleground state, and Texas Organizing Project (TOP) PAC’s aim is to further push the state toward a progressive future that will deliver substantive change and shift more power into the hands of Black and Latino Texans.”
Texas Organizing Project PAC, on its own site, organizetexas.org
Quoted from the committee's site, or its sponsor's or funder's where its own says nothing. The statement is filed under topics from a fixed list, chosen by AI models when two of three agree; which side it takes is in its own words.
7 priorities from the committee’s own site, in the order they are listed there. Every heading and the text under it is copied exactly, as one passage for each page it is from, and links to that place on the page; hover a source to see which passage it opens.
Texas is a battleground state, and Texas Organizing Project (TOP) PAC’s aim is to further push the state toward a progressive future that will deliver substantive change and shift more power into the hands of Black and Latino Texans.
Texas Organizing Project PAC runs the largest, independent get-out-the-vote political field programs in Texas, focusing on expanding the electorate of color, with an emphasis on turning out Black and Latino voters.
To date, TOP PAC has mobilized hundreds of thousands of voters across the state with the aim of transforming Texas and building a reflective democracy — one that looks like us and shares our values.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · organizetexas.org/about-texas-organizing-project-pac
MORE ON THE CAMPAIGN ↗ (opens organizetexas.org/campaigns/immigration-justice at this heading)
Immigrants contribute greatly to our nation as workers, consumers, business owners and taxpayers, and now is the time to fix our broken immigration system with common sense reform that creates a roadmap to citizenship for 11 million undocumented people who aspire to become American citizens.
Most of the 11 million have lived in America for years.
They are members of our communities and churches, and they are our friends and family members.
Our future is in our hands.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · organizetexas.org/campaigns/immigration-justice
MORE ON THE CAMPAIGN ↗ (opens organizetexas.org/campaigns/healthcare-justice at this heading)
For years, Texas has ranked first in the nation in the percentage of residents without health insurance, and this isn’t by accident.
Our state’s Republican leaders continue to play politics with the lives of Texans by refusing to expand Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act (ACA), a measure that would expand affordable health coverage to more than 1 million Texans if enacted.
From pushing for Medicaid expansion for our state, to advocating for Medicare For All at the national level, we recognize that our current, profit-driven healthcare industry in the United States is shortchanging Black and Latino communities across the board and must be drastically transformed.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · organizetexas.org/campaigns/healthcare-justice
MORE ON THE CAMPAIGN ↗ (opens organizetexas.org/campaigns/housing-justice at this heading)
Our housing justice campaign aims to strengthen resident power to change systems and policy outcomes.
Most recently, our staff has been fighting alongside working-class tenants and community allies in Houston and San Antonio to address uninhabitable living conditions at apartment complexes and hold bad landlords accountable for being unresponsive to tenants’ basic needs.
Our campaign leaders are tenants and homeowners who believe that housing is a fundamental human right.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · organizetexas.org/campaigns/housing-justice
MORE ON THE CAMPAIGN ↗ (opens organizetexas.org/campaigns/climate-justice at this heading)
The Climate and Environmental Justice Campaign is building a people of color-led movement in the fight against climate change by confronting the systemic issues contributing to the destruction of the planet while also ensuring that the transition toward clean energy centers workers and a more just economy.
Our solutions focus on systemic changes that restore our relationship with each other, our environment and also cultivates new, creative ways to envision our economy and our community wellbeing.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · organizetexas.org/campaigns/climate-justice
MORE ON THE CAMPAIGN ↗ (opens organizetexas.org/campaigns/right2justice at this heading)
The mission of TOP’S Right2Justice (R2J) Campaign is to end mass incarceration and the criminalization of poverty of Black and Latino people in four of the largest counties in Texas (Harris, Dallas, Bexar and Fort Bend) by creating a justice system that is fair and just.
The United States incarcerates its citizens more than any other country.
Mass incarceration disproportionately impacts the poor and people of color, and does not make us safer.
They’re there simply because they can’t afford to pay bail.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · organizetexas.org/campaigns/right2justice
MORE ON THE CAMPAIGN ↗ (opens organizetexas.org/campaigns/right2vote at this heading)
Unfortunately, the institutions with the power to improve these social indicators often are controlled by those who fail to represent the majority of Texans and, in fact, work to their detriment.
At the same time, Texas has a dramatic voter turnout problem.
In 2010, Texas ranked 50th in the nation for turnout of eligible voters, and moved up to 48th in 2012.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · organizetexas.org/campaigns/right2vote
Each part reads different filings, so counts and totals can differ.
Direct PAC contributions and independent expenditures explicitly reported as support, by the party of the candidate they went to.
Spending against candidates is drawn on its own bar and left out of the support totals.
Contributions are reported money, not endorsements; a PAC giving to both parties is common.
Every contribution on line 23 of the committee’s own Schedule B, which is the filing its summary totals are built from. That line covers federal candidates, party committees and other political committees alike, so a super PAC funding other super PACs appears here rather than under candidate giving.
No contributions itemized
Nothing loaded
Candidate contribution rows come from candidate committee Schedule A filings, the same rows the party chart above counts.
Money moving between this committee and other committees, matched on FEC committee ID rather than the name each filing was typed under. Both sides exclude memo entries. The figures here count each committee once, from the itemized transfers read for this section, so they will not match the payment counts under Who this PAC gave to.
Committees that reported giving to this one on their own Schedule A filings, grouped by the giver’s committee ID.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| Hybrid PAC (nonqualified) · 2 payments | $260K |
| Hybrid PAC (qualified) · 3 payments | $85K |
| House campaign committee · Connected to OKLAHOMANS FOR AL GREEN · 1 payment | $500 |
$345.5K from 3 committees, counting every itemized receipt this cycle.
Disbursements this committee itemized to another committee: candidate contributions, party transfers and payments alike, not contributions only.
No disbursements to other committees were itemized this cycle.
Built from FEC Schedule A and Schedule B filings for the selected cycle. A committee only appears here if the money was itemized under its FEC committee ID.
The 15 largest sources are listed. Each as the committee named it on this line, $2.6M from 23 sources in all, with its largest individual donors, whose gifts it files here too. Individuals' gifts on this line are not itemized in the data the site holds, so the list need not add up to the row.
Total reported receipts $3,610,134
Every dollar the committee reported receiving this cycle, split by the source the FEC filing attributes it to. Open a source marked + to see who gave. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
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Tap or hover over a state, or focus the map and use the arrow keys, to read its total. Ctrl or ⌘ and scroll to zoom.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 12 contributions · 84% | $732,750 |
| 239 contributions · 12% | $100,425 |
| 2 contributions · 1.2% | $10,000 |
| 1 contribution · 1.2% | $10,000 |
| 6 contributions · 0.7% | $6,000 |
| 4 contributions · 0.6% | $5,500 |
| 5 contributions · 0.1% | $1,200 |
Total reported disbursements $2,290,938
Every dollar this committee reported spending this cycle, split by the lines it reports against. Open a line to see who was actually paid on it. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
These are the payments the committee itemized to vendors, staff and other committees. Its $876,859 in independent expenditures is filed separately, against the candidate each was about, so it is counted in the split above and listed by candidate below, not here.
Total itemized disbursements $18,329
Every itemized payment the committee reported this cycle, sorted by what it said each one was for. The categories are ours; the wording they are matched against is the committee’s own. Open a category to read the filed descriptions and who was paid. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
All 3 itemized payments filed this cycle. Spending below the itemization threshold is not filed line by line.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 3 payments · 0.8% of all spending | $18,329 |
The people, firms and committees paid the most, across every kind of payment. Each share is of everything the committee reported spending this cycle, not only the itemized payments above. A payee that is itself a committee links to its own profile.
$2.3M spent from Jan 2025 to Oct 2026. Most in one report: $745.3K, Jul 1 – Sep 30, 2026.
The running total of what the committee’s FEC reports say it spent, independent expenditures included, with a point at the end of each report. The line is straight between reports because a report gives one total for its whole period. Numbered lines mark the elections that drew the most independent spending. Each expenditure counts toward the next election on its seat after the day it was made, and a seat is named when it drew at least a tenth of that spending. The line stops at the latest report, through Oct 14, 2026, at the dashed rule; elections after it are marked where they fall.
No lobbying disclosures matched
Texas Organizing Project PAC is registered with the Federal Election Commission as a Hybrid PAC (nonqualified). Official FEC summary: Federal Election Commission committee record.
Statements are quoted from these pages exactly. Headings, order and wording are the committee’s or its sponsor’s; the record marking is ours.
Texas Organizing Project PAC is matched to organization records using the FEC committee identity, structured identifiers, and corroborated organization data.
LittleSis data is shared under CC BY-SA 4.0.
| 2 contributions · 0.1% | $1,000 |
By the state each contributor wrote on the filing. The FEC aggregates every Schedule A line together, so one committee or organization transfer can account for a whole state. Contributors who have given $200 or less this cycle are not itemized and cannot be placed on a map. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total.
| Employer as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an employer · 29 contributions · 81% of ranked | $677,260 |
| 1 contribution · 4.8% of ranked | $40,000 |
| 1 contribution · 3% of ranked | $25,000 |
| 1 contribution · 3% of ranked | $25,000 |
| Written instead of an employer · 8 contributions · 1.7% of ranked | $14,000 |
| 2 contributions · 1.2% of ranked | $10,000 |
| 1 contribution · 1.2% of ranked | $10,000 |
| 3 contributions · 0.6% of ranked | $5,250 |
A further $28,973 came from donors whose answer names no employer (N/A, blank), so it is not ranked. Itemized receipts grouped by the words contributors filed. The FEC aggregates every Schedule A line here, so committee and organization money sits alongside individuals; this is not an industry classification. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($1,114) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.
| Occupation as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| 46 contributions · 42% of ranked | $358,460 |
| 17 contributions · 37% of ranked | $320,625 |
| 1 contribution · 4.7% of ranked | $40,000 |
| Written instead of an occupation · 56 contributions · 3.8% of ranked | $32,365 |
| Written instead of an occupation · 22 contributions · 3% of ranked | $25,547 |
| 1 contribution · 2.9% of ranked | $25,000 |
| 2 contributions · 1.2% of ranked | $10,000 |
| 1 contribution · 1.2% of ranked | $10,000 |
A further $10,061 came from donors whose answer names no occupation (blank), so it is not ranked. Itemized receipts grouped by the words contributors filed. The FEC aggregates every Schedule A line here, so committee and organization money sits alongside individuals; this is not an industry classification. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($1,114) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.