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Loading this committee’s profile from its FEC filings.
Where They Stand is a nonpartisan guide to everyone running for Congress: their money, their own words and how incumbents voted. Find your ballot →
PACs › Party committee (nonqualified) › 2025–2026
FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026 · FEC bulk filing data · committee C00150672 · files monthly
“The Georgia Republican Party Works Tirelessly with Our Donors, Activists and Candidates to Elect Republicans and Continue the Tradition of Conservative Leadership.”
Georgia Republican Party Inc., on its own site, gagop.org
Quoted from the committee's site, or its sponsor's or funder's where its own says nothing. The statement is filed under topics from a fixed list, chosen by AI models when two of three agree; which side it takes is in its own words.
3 priorities from the committee’s own site, in the order they are listed there. Every heading and the text under it is copied exactly, as one passage for each page it is from, and links to that place on the page; hover a source to see which passage it opens.
We, the Georgia Republican Party, do affirm our belief in God, and hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men and women are created in the image of God and that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness.
Throughout the world, people dare to dream of freedom and opportunity.
The Georgia Republican Party unequivocally defends that dream.
We strive to preserve the liberties given to us by God, implemented by our Founding Fathers, embodied in the Constitution, and defended by our elected leaders and civil magistrates for ourselves and our posterity.
We recognize that the traditional family is the strength of our nation.
We understand that our economic success depends upon free-market principles.
We believe in the Constitution, written not as a weak and bendable document, but as an enduring solemn league and covenant between the sovereign States.
We believe that our constitutional system of limited government, separation of powers, federalism, and the rights of the people — must be preserved uncompromised for future generations.
We believe that personal freedom and personal morality are indivisible. When personal freedom and personal morality are separated — society is in peril; when they are united, liberty and tranquility reigns.
We believe in the right of all Americans to enjoy their God-given liberties and to have equal access to the law and the courts for redress when those rights are violated.
We believe in the right to life from conception, beginning at fertilization, to natural death.
We believe that the right to self-defense is a God-given right, recognized by the Second Amendment.
We believe that the rights of freedom of religion and freedom of association, recognized by the First Amendment, must be vigilantly defended.
We believe in the importance of both mothers and fathers, and that the traditional family is the cornerstone of civil society and must be strengthened.
We believe in victims’ rights to justice and support the use of restitution to victims.
We believe political freedom and economic freedom are indivisible. When political freedom and economic freedom are separated — both are in peril; when united, they are invincible.
We believe that economic freedom is the cornerstone of individual liberty and the private sector and free-market principles, are the best way to stimulate economic development rather than government subsidies or programs.
We believe in balanced budgets and the reduction of public debt.
We believe that revenues collected at all levels of government should be used only for well-defined, legitimate government functions and should be carried out efficiently so that tax rates may be kept as low as possible.
We believe that immigration policies and laws should be written to promote the interests of the American people as a whole rather than any particular special interest group.
We believe that it is the right of every parent to act in their child’s best interest regarding health and education decisions. This includes choosing the form and content of their education, whether as a public school, private school, home school, or education by other means. The Federal Government has no right to influence the educational decisions of state or locally elected school officials by attaching conditions to the receipt of federal funding for education.
We believe that to be prepared for war is the most effective means of preserving peace, and that it is through example and not force that we can best share with people everywhere the blessings of peace and freedom.
We believe that those who have worn the uniform of our armed forces and served with honor deserve the full care and benefits they were promised. These promises constitute a solemn pledge that must be honored.
We believe in the self-government of nations and that our government’s first concern is the protection of the natural and constitutional rights of the American people and their sovereign right to rule themselves without deference to any foreign power or international body.
We believe in the right of Israel to exist as a free and sovereign nation as an example to the West of a proud people who are not ashamed to defend their people, their land, and their heritage. We believe that Jerusalem should remain Israel’s undivided capital, accessible to people of all faiths.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · gagop.org/platform
Heading as listed on gagop.org/platform ↗ (opens gagop.org/platform at this heading)
Requiring photo ID verification for all absentee ballot applications and ballots, ending the legally compromised system of signature verification, to combat ballot harvesting and absentee ballot fraud.
Allowing observers at each step of the process, including ballot verification and duplication, with meaningful access, not the sham access allowed under the Secretary of State’s official election bulletins.
Allowing videotaping of all election activity except voters casting their ballots.
Replacing all Dominion software with auditable and transparent software.
Enacting revolving door ethics restrictions on Secretary of State employees.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · gagop.org/election-confidence-task-force
Chairman McKoon announces election related priorities for 2025 legislative session
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · gagop.org/barbara-rivera-holmes-appointed-labor-commissioner
Georgia Republican Party Chairman Josh McKoon announced a series of bold election integrity priorities for the 2025 legislative session, stating:
“While we are grateful for the positive changes made in 2024, the Georgia Republican Party remains as committed as ever to continuing the pursuit of Election Integrity legislation in the 2025 Georgia General Assembly.
We look forward to working with our Republican majorities in the State Senate and State House of Representatives on our list of priorities (listed below).”
Voter registration by party and closed partisan primary elections.
Prohibition of surprise openings of election offices to accept ballots.
End automatic “Motor Voter” registration.
Regulate and investigate ballot harvesting at long term care facilities.
Establishment of Statewide Election Court.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · gagop.org/georgia-republican-party-releases-bold-election-integrity-legislative-agenda
Each part reads different filings, so counts and totals can differ.
Direct PAC contributions and independent expenditures explicitly reported as support, by the party of the candidate they went to.
No candidate-directed contributions or explicitly supportive independent expenditures were returned.
Contributions are reported money, not endorsements; a PAC giving to both parties is common.
Every contribution on line 23 of the committee’s own Schedule B, which is the filing its summary totals are built from. That line covers federal candidates, party committees and other political committees alike, so a super PAC funding other super PACs appears here rather than under candidate giving.
| Recipient | Count | Amount |
|---|---|---|
| Republican party committees | 1 | $5K · 2.4% |
| Other party committees | 1 | $207.2K · 98% |
| All recipients | 2 | $212.2K |
No recipient here is matched to a candidate with a state on record.
Bars drawn to $207.2K, the largest gift total here. 2025–2026 filings.
Nothing loaded
Candidate contribution rows come from candidate committee Schedule A filings, the same rows the party chart above counts.
Money moving between this committee and other committees, matched on FEC committee ID rather than the name each filing was typed under. Both sides exclude memo entries. The figures here count each committee once, from the itemized transfers read for this section, so they will not match the payment counts under Who this PAC gave to.
Committees that reported giving to this one on their own Schedule A filings, grouped by the giver’s committee ID.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| Party committee (qualified) · Connected to DEFEND OUR MAJORITY · 17 payments | $524K |
| PAC (nonqualified) · 1 payment | $34.4K |
| PAC (nonqualified) · 1 payment | $14K |
| Party committee (qualified) · Connected to TRUMP 47 COMMITTEE, INC. · 1 payment |
A donor who gave several times appears once. The 12 largest donors by total given are listed. In all, 1,620 itemized contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $699.6K. FEC contributor lists are public records and cannot be used for commercial solicitation.
The 7 largest committees by total given are listed. Counted from the givers' own filings, which can run above the total this committee reports.
Total reported receipts $3,433,406
Every dollar the committee reported receiving this cycle, split by the source the FEC filing attributes it to. Open a source marked + to see who gave. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
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Tap or hover over a state, or focus the map and use the arrow keys, to read its total. Ctrl or ⌘ and scroll to zoom.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 1,597 contributions · 97% | $678,979 |
| 3 contributions · 0.9% | $6,500 |
| 7 contributions · 0.6% | $4,341 |
| 1 contribution · 0.4% | $3,000 |
| 1 contribution · 0.3% | $2,000 |
| 1 contribution · 0.3% | $2,000 |
| 3 contributions · 0.1% | $1,005 |
Total reported disbursements $3,302,176
Every dollar this committee reported spending this cycle, split by the lines it reports against. Open a line to see who was actually paid on it. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
$3.3M spent from Jan 2025 to Oct 2026. Most in one report: $339.3K, June 2025.
The running total of what the committee’s FEC reports say it spent, independent expenditures included, with a point at the end of each report. The line is straight between reports because a report gives one total for its whole period.
Published by the Commission against this committee’s own FEC ID. An audit is a periodic examination that reports findings; an administrative fine is a penalty for filing a specific report late or not at all. They are separate instruments and are not combined into a score here.
1988 cycleReport released Jun 16, 1993
Source: the Commission’s audit-case and administrative-fine records, joined on this committee’s FEC ID, imported Oct 26, 2026. Enforcement matters (MURs) are published only against respondent names, with no committee identifier, so they are not shown here rather than being matched by name.
No lobbying disclosures matched
Georgia Republican Party Inc. is registered with the Federal Election Commission as a party committee (nonqualified). Official FEC summary: Federal Election Commission committee record.
Statements are quoted from these pages exactly. Headings, order and wording are the committee’s or its sponsor’s; the record marking is ours.
Georgia Republican Party Inc. is matched to organization records using the FEC committee identity, structured identifiers, and corroborated organization data.
| $6K |
| House campaign committee · 1 payment | $5.2K |
| House campaign committee · Connected to TEAM BRIAN JACK · 1 payment | $5.2K |
| House campaign committee · Connected to AUSTIN SCOTT VICTORY FUND · 1 payment | $5K |
| PAC (nonqualified) · 1 payment | $2.5K |
| PAC (qualified) · 1 payment | $1K |
| House campaign committee · 1 payment | $694 |
$598.1K from 10 committees, counting every itemized receipt this cycle.
Disbursements this committee itemized to another committee: candidate contributions, party transfers and payments alike, not contributions only.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| Party committee (qualified) · Connected to YOUNG VICTORY COMMITTEE · 8 payments | $207.2K |
| Party committee (qualified) · Connected to DEFEND OUR MAJORITY · 1 payment | $34.4K |
| Party committee (qualified) · Connected to TRUMP 47 COMMITTEE, INC. · 1 payment | $5K |
$246.7K across 3 recipient committees, or 7.5% of everything this committee reports spending.
Built from FEC Schedule A and Schedule B filings for the selected cycle. A committee only appears here if the money was itemized under its FEC committee ID.
| $1,000 |
By the state each contributor wrote on the filing. The FEC aggregates every Schedule A line together, so one committee or organization transfer can account for a whole state. Contributors who have given $200 or less this cycle are not itemized and cannot be placed on a map. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total.
| Employer as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an employer · 677 contributions · 36% of ranked | $213,483 |
| Written instead of an employer · 127 contributions · 8.5% of ranked | $50,886 |
| Written instead of an employer · 19 contributions · 3.7% of ranked | $22,245 |
| 4 contributions · 3.3% of ranked | $20,000 |
| 2 contributions · 3.1% of ranked | $18,500 |
| 3 contributions · 2.5% of ranked | $15,220 |
| 2 contributions · 1.7% of ranked | $10,000 |
| 1 contribution · 1.7% of ranked | $10,000 |
A further $41,065 came from donors whose answer names no employer (Information requested, None, blank), so it is not ranked. Ranked from the largest 200 of 201 employer spellings filed; each share is of the money in those. Itemized receipts grouped by the words contributors filed. The FEC aggregates every Schedule A line here, so committee and organization money sits alongside individuals; this is not an industry classification. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($242,904) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.
| Occupation as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an occupation · 587 contributions · 31% of ranked | $189,954 |
| 13 contributions · 7.1% of ranked | $44,091 |
| 14 contributions · 4.1% of ranked | $25,479 |
| Written instead of an occupation · 25 contributions · 3.9% of ranked | $23,980 |
| 55 contributions · 3.7% of ranked | $22,787 |
| 60 contributions · 2.8% of ranked | $17,671 |
| 20 contributions · 2.4% of ranked | $15,010 |
| 3 contributions · 1.8% of ranked | $11,440 |
A further $32,849 came from donors whose answer names no occupation (Information requested, N/A, None, blank), so it is not ranked. Ranked from the largest 200 of 201 occupation spellings filed; each share is of the money in those. Itemized receipts grouped by the words contributors filed. The FEC aggregates every Schedule A line here, so committee and organization money sits alongside individuals; this is not an industry classification. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($242,904) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.
Total itemized disbursements $864,272
Every itemized payment the committee reported this cycle, sorted by what it said each one was for. The categories are ours; the wording they are matched against is the committee’s own. Open a category to read the filed descriptions and who was paid. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
All 92 itemized payments filed this cycle. Spending below the itemization threshold is not filed line by line.
9 payments were reported as a lump sum, such as a card or payroll bill, with the detail filed underneath as memo entries. Those entries, $25,966 in all, are counted under the payee and purpose they name rather than under the processor that was paid. The total is the same either way.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 8 payments · 6.3% of all spending | $207,231 |
| 1 payment · 3.4% of all spending | $113,574 |
| 1 payment · 3% of all spending | $100,000 |
| 3 payments · 2.5% of all spending | $83,173 |
| 1 payment · 1.9% of all spending | $63,765 |
| 1 payment · 1.8% of all spending | $60,030 |
| 1 payment · 1.2% of all spending | $39,184 |
| 6 payments · 1.2% of all spending | $38,934 |
The people, firms and committees paid the most, across every kind of payment. Each share is of everything the committee reported spending this cycle, not only the itemized payments above. A payee that is itself a committee links to its own profile.