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Loading this candidate’s profile from the FEC filings and campaign records.
Where They Stand is a nonpartisan guide to everyone running for Congress: their money, their own words and how incumbents voted. Find your ballot →
Candidates › GA-03 race › 2025–2026
R Republican nominee for U.S. House, GA-03
Representative since 2025
The same platforms’ other accounts, such as a congressional office’s or an earlier campaign’s.
4 priorities from brianjack.com, in the order they are listed there. Every heading and the text under it is copied exactly, as one passage for each page it is from, and links to that place on the page; hover a source to see which passage it opens.
There is no more pressing issue our nation faces than Joe Biden’s border crisis. The ongoing invasion of millions of illegal migrants across our border - ushered on by this administration and Democrats in Congress - is an existential threat to America’s sovereignty and national security.
Deadly drugs and violent criminals have flooded into our state, turning every community in Georgia into a border town. The tragic slaying of Laken Riley in Athens by an illegal alien with a lengthy criminal record is unfortunately not an isolated incident - innocent Americans are terrorized constantly by those who have no right to be in our country, only here because of the actions of a lawless President.
In 2016, I helped elect President Trump to make our nation great again, and served in his White House to implement an America First agenda - with strengthening border security being the top priority. Under his leadership, America’s border was secure, criminal illegals were held accountable, and nearly 500 miles of the border wall were built.
Joe Biden dismantled President Trump’s proven border security policies on Day One of his administration. Georgia families are suffering the results - rising crime, devastating fentanyl overdoses, lost economic opportunity and a government that puts illegals before its own citizens.
In Congress, I will lead the fight to end Biden’s border invasion and put America First once again - completing the job President Trump and I began in 2016. That means finishing the border wall, funding for ICE and border patrol, deporting criminal illegals, and reforming our immigration laws to prioritize the prosperity of working class Americans.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · brianjack.com/issues
Heading as listed on brianjack.com/issues ↗ (opens brianjack.com/issues at this heading)
Georgia families can’t escape the failures of Joe Biden’s economic agenda - runaway reckless spending, anti-American energy policies and high prices at the gas station and grocery store.
‘Biden-omics’ is a broken model that has devastated American families and workers, of which over 60% are living paycheck to paycheck. This is unsustainable, and in Congress, I’ll put pencil to paper to return to the pro-growth policies that fueled President Trump’s economic boom.
Lowering taxes and expanding President Trump’s middle class tax cuts, reducing spending and working towards a balanced budget, and unleashing American energy including oil and natural gas, will put us on a path to recovery and deliver needed relief for Georgia taxpayers.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · brianjack.com/issues
Heading as listed on brianjack.com/issues ↗ (opens brianjack.com/issues at this heading)
In Joe Biden’s America, there is one system of lawlessness for his friends and allies and a weaponization against his perceived enemies. I am honored to have the endorsement of patriots and like Jim Jordan and will stand shoulder to shoulder with him to end the weaponization of our justice system.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · brianjack.com/issues
Heading as listed on brianjack.com/issues ↗ (opens brianjack.com/issues at this heading)
We should embrace digital innovation and provide clear, common-sense guidelines for blockchain technology. By doing so, we can create American jobs, protect American consumers, and enable America to remain the global leader in financial services.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · brianjack.com/issues
Heading as listed on brianjack.com/issues ↗ (opens brianjack.com/issues at this heading)
97% of their votes went with their party’s majority; they broke with it 22 times in the 119th Congress.
House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform
House Committee on Small Business
Matching this candidate against the House and Senate voting records…
The CRS policy areas of Jack’s 3 substantive sponsored measures, Congresses 117, 118, 119; the figure is how many fall in each. Sponsorship indicates legislative focus, not every policy position. GovInfo source ↗
FEC filings, Jan 1, 2025 to Oct 14, 2026 · Official FEC bulk data · committee C00872473
64¢ of every dollar raised has been spent across 9 reports ($1.6M of $2.4M). Cash on hand went from $266.4K on Mar 31, 2025 to $1.1M on Oct 14, 2026.
| Report | Raised in the period | Spent in the period | Cash on hand at its close |
|---|---|---|---|
| APRIL QUARTERLY 2025 through Mar 31, 2025 | $180,985 | $154,729 | $266,433 |
| JULY QUARTERLY 2025 through Jun 30, 2025 | $291,186 | $115,227 | $442,392 |
| OCTOBER QUARTERLY 2025 through Sep 30, 2025 | $487,254 | $126,084 | $803,562 |
| YEAR-END 2025 through Dec 31, 2025 | $421,048 | $372,111 | $852,499 |
| APRIL QUARTERLY 2026 through Mar 31, 2026 | $207,387 | $214,050 | $845,836 |
| PRE-PRIMARY 2026 through Apr 29, 2026 | $129,892 | $39,718 | $936,010 |
| JULY QUARTERLY 2026 through Jun 30, 2026 | $328,161 | $121,546 | $1,142,625 |
| OCTOBER QUARTERLY 2026 through Sep 30, 2026 | $362,460 | $292,651 | $1,212,291 |
| PRE-GENERAL 2026 through Oct 14, 2026 | $22,976 | $129,446 | $1,105,820 |
Each report’s own period, as filed with the FEC; a report filed again counts once, as its latest copy.
No endorsers named
Advanced · 87,616 votes (100%) · 1 of 1 · Full results ↗
Election not held yet · Full results ↗
Every contest for this seat that named this candidate, most recent last; a result is shown once the race is called. Election dates and results from civicAPI (civicapi.org). civicAPI aggregates results from Secretaries of State and equivalent election bodies, and makes its own race calls. civicapi.org ↗
Official FEC filing record for the current cycle. The priorities they publish are quoted from their own site, in their order.
Statements are quoted from these pages exactly. Headings, order and wording are the campaign’s; the record marking is ours.
The 12 largest committees by total given are listed. In all, 486 committee contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $1M. Counted from the givers' own filings, which can run above the total the campaign itself reports.
A donor who gave several times appears once. The 12 largest donors by total given are listed. In all, 4,722 itemized contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $661K.
Money moved in from the candidate’s other authorized committees, such as a joint fundraising committee. It was raised once and is reported again here on arrival. The largest of the sources is listed. In all, 13 transfers were filed this cycle, totaling $322.3K.
Total reported receipts $2,431,348
Every dollar the committee reported receiving this cycle, split by the source the FEC filing attributes it to. Open a source marked + to see who gave. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
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Tap or hover over a state, or focus the map and use the arrow keys, to read its total. Ctrl or ⌘ and scroll to zoom.
17% of the money placed by state came from inside Georgia: $113.5K of $661K.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 487 contributions · 17% | $113,487 |
| 418 contributions · 13% | $88,684 |
| 186 contributions · 12% | $80,455 |
| 173 contributions · 9.4% | $62,246 |
| 132 contributions · 9% | $59,180 |
| 120 contributions · 5.6% | $36,949 |
| 430 contributions · 5.2% | $34,511 |
| 45 contributions · 4.4% | $28,841 |
By the state each donor wrote on the filing, across 46 states and territories. Donors who have given $200 or less this cycle are not itemized, so they cannot be placed on a map. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total.
| Employer as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an employer · 3,955 contributions · 27% of ranked | $169,365 |
| Written instead of an employer · 40 contributions · 5.1% of ranked | $32,495 |
| 4 contributions · 4.4% of ranked | $28,000 |
| 2 contributions · 2.2% of ranked | $14,000 |
| 1 contribution · 1.6% of ranked | $9,900 |
| 6 contributions · 1.3% of ranked | $8,000 |
| 6 contributions · 1.2% of ranked | $7,541 |
| 1 contribution · 1.1% of ranked | $7,000 |
A further $16,633 came from donors whose answer names no employer (blank), so it is not ranked. Ranked from the largest 200 of 201 employer spellings filed; each share is of the money in those. Itemized gifts over $200, grouped by the words donors filed: not an industry classification, and a gift from an employee is not a gift from the employer. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($248,649) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.
Money groups spent on their own, not through a campaign. Each ad is filed against the candidate it names, so money attacking an opponent shows on the opponent’s row. Open a candidate to see who spent it.
The campaign also refunded $39,858 in contributions, which the categories below do not include.
Total itemized disbursements $1,243,906
Every itemized payment the committee reported this cycle, sorted by what it said each one was for. The categories are ours; the wording they are matched against is the committee’s own. Open a category to read the filed descriptions and who was paid. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
All 1,665 itemized payments filed this cycle. Spending below the itemization threshold is not filed line by line.
47 payments were reported as a lump sum, such as a card or payroll bill, with the detail filed underneath as memo entries. Those entries, $116,731 in all, are counted under the payee and purpose they name rather than under the processor that was paid. The total is the same either way.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 2 payments · 19% of all spending | $300,000 |
| 148 payments · 9.6% of all spending | $150,708 |
| 16 payments · 8.5% of all spending | $132,625 |
| 20 payments · 8% of all spending | $124,884 |
| 22 payments · 7.1% of all spending | $110,659 |
| 17 payments · 3.2% of all spending | $50,000 |
| 37 payments · 3.1% of all spending | $48,186 |
| 21 payments · 1.9% of all spending | $29,794 |
The people, firms and committees paid the most, across every kind of payment. Each share is of everything the committee reported spending this cycle, not only the itemized payments above. A payee that is itself a committee links to its own profile.
| Occupation as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an occupation · 3,955 contributions · 26% of ranked | $169,365 |
| 115 contributions · 7.3% of ranked | $47,111 |
| 30 contributions · 6.4% of ranked | $41,221 |
| 15 contributions · 5.2% of ranked | $33,233 |
| 13 contributions · 4.3% of ranked | $27,748 |
| 4 contributions · 3.3% of ranked | $21,500 |
| Written instead of an occupation · 5 contributions · 2.6% of ranked | $16,550 |
| 22 contributions · 2.2% of ranked | $14,300 |
A further $16,633 came from donors whose answer names no occupation (blank), so it is not ranked. Itemized gifts over $200, grouped by the words donors filed: not an industry classification, and a gift from an employee is not a gift from the employer. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($248,649) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.