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Where They Stand is a nonpartisan guide to everyone running for Congress: their money, their own words and how incumbents voted. Find your ballot →
PACs › Party committee (qualified) › 2025–2026
Party committee (qualified)Austin, TexasActive
Connected organization: Harris County Republican Party
The Republican Party of Texas (RPT) is the Texas affiliate of the Republican Party in the United States. It is currently chaired by D'Rinda Randall, who succeeded Abraham George in 2026. The party is headquartered in Austin, Texas, and is legally considered a political action committee under Texas law. As of 2025, it is the state's ruling party, controlling all statewide elected offices, both houses of the legislature, and the majority of congressional seats. (Linked public record: Wikipedia organization profile)
FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026 · FEC bulk filing data · committee C00143743 · files monthly
30 priorities from the committee’s own site, in the order they are listed there. Every heading and the text under it is copied exactly, as one passage for each page it is from, and links to that place on the page; hover a source to see which passage it opens.
Resolution Reaffirming the Republican Party of Texas Platform’s Opposition to Government Use of Flock Cameras, Automated License Plate Readers, and Similar Surveillance Technologies
WHEREAS, the Republican Party of Texas is committed to protecting individual liberty, privacy, due process, and the constitutional rights guaranteed to every Texan by the United States Constitution and the
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · texasgop.org/official-documents-2
WHEREAS, the Republican Party of Texas is committed to protecting children, defending parental rights, and ensuring that Texas public schools are safe environments where students can learn free from harm,
WHEREAS, the Republican Party of Texas is committed to protecting children, defending parental rights, and ensuring that Texas public schools are safe environments where students can learn free from harm, exploitation, or abuse; and
WHEREAS, reports of sexual abuse, sexual misconduct, and the concealment of such abuse within Texas public schools continue to surface with alarming regularity across the state, demonstrating a systemic failure to adequately protect students and hold bad actors accountable; and
“These stories are coming out every single day.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · texasgop.org/official-documents-2
WHEREAS, the pace of data center construction has exponentially increased across the United States and within Texas, driven by the increasing demand for digital infrastructure, data aggregation, artificial intelligence, cloud
WHEREAS, the pace of data center construction has exponentially increased across the United States and within Texas, driven by the increasing demand for digital infrastructure, data aggregation, artificial intelligence, cloud computing services, and cryptocurrency mining and related transaction settlement processes; and
WHEREAS, local resistance to data center projects has emerged across many states, including in Texas, due to concerns about the adverse impact of these massive projects on surrounding communities, the environment, public health, increased consumer costs, and local resources; and
THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED that the Republican Party of Texas:
- Expresses our strong opposition to the establishment of additional open loop data centers in the State of Texas until comprehensive, enforceable safeguards are in place that protect electrical grid reliability, ensure responsible water use, and respect community resource and public health needs;
- Calls for the Texas Legislature and relevant regulatory bodies to enact and enforce policies that require transparent reporting of both anticipated electricity and water demand for all proposed data center projects, with full disclosure to local and state planning authorities and the public before final approval;
- Demands that no future data center project be approved without a rigorous, independent assessment of impacts on the state grid and regional water resources, which should include details demonstrating that the project would not degrade grid reliability or contribute to water shortages for households, farmers, and local industries;
- Requests that state agencies adopt planning and regulatory standards that prioritize local resource sustainability, such as mandatory integration of water-efficient cooling technologies or utilization of waste or reclaimed water for cooling;
- Asks the Texas Legislature to prioritize legislation that provides mechanisms for counties, municipalities, and other governing bodies to participate meaningfully in land and resource use decisions.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · texasgop.org/official-documents-2
WHEREAS, Texas counties are the functional arm of state government and are responsible for the operation and maintenance of local transportation infrastructure, maintaining more than half of all public road
WHEREAS, Texas counties are the functional arm of state government and are responsible for the operation and maintenance of local transportation infrastructure, maintaining more than half of all public road miles in Texas and ensuring safe and efficient travel for residents, businesses, and emergency services; and
WHEREAS, the State Motor Fuels Tax, established in 1923 and last adjusted to twenty cents per gallon in 1991, currently generates approximately $3.85 billion annually, of which one-fourth is dedicated to the Available School Fund and the remaining three-fourths to the State Highway Fund, with only a small portion – $7.3 million – allocated to the County and Road District Highway Fund; and
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · texasgop.org/official-documents-2
WHEREAS, the Republican Party of Texas is committed to protecting individual liberty, privacy,
due process, and the constitutional rights guaranteed to every Texan by the United States
opposition to government use of Automatic License Plate Readers (ALPRs), including Flock
Safety cameras and substantially similar vehicle-tracking technologies, and supports restrictions
on the collection, retention, and sharing of vehicle-tracking information; and
private companies, contractors, homeowners associations (HOAs), property owners associations,
private security companies, or other entities; now
Safety cameras, ALPRs, and substantially similar vehicle-tracking and mass-surveillance
school districts, special districts, political subdivisions, law-enforcement agencies, and other
government authorities from purchasing, leasing, installing, operating, maintaining, accessing,
obtaining, accessing, searching, retaining, selling, transferring, or sharing information collected
fixed, mobile, cloud-based, or substantially similar systems; and
Constitution, Texas Constitution, or other applicable laws; and
Platform concerning Texans’ privacy, constitutional rights, and protection from unwarranted
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · texasgop.org/official-documents-2
The State of Texas has five spending limits, but there are no standardized limits for cities, counties, and other local government entities, and more spending always necessitates more taxes.
This proposal would require local government spending to be limited to the lesser of (1) the percentage of the population increase plus inflation or (2) 3.5%.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · texasgop.org/official-documents-2
Currently, it is far too easy for local governments to impose higher taxes on Texans without their consent.
Governor Abbott’s plan would require a two-thirds (2/3) voter approval on all local property tax increases.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · texasgop.org/official-documents-2
There are currently limited options for taxpayers to lower their tax bills.
Under Governor Abbott’s plan, if 15% of registered voters in a local area sign a petition, they can force a rollback election to lower tax rates.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · texasgop.org/official-documents-2
Under the Governor’s proposal, local appraisal districts would be restricted to appraise all properties only once every five years.
The proposal would also lower the home appraisal cap from 10% to 3%.
The Governor’s plan would also extend that cap to all properties, which would help renters and businesses.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · texasgop.org/official-documents-2
Despite property tax relief passed into law, local government tax increases have wiped out the expected savings for homeowners.
School district property taxes are the largest portion of Texas homeowners’ tax bills, and voters deserve the right to decide whether to abolish school district taxes.
Under Governor Abbott’s plan, voters would have the right to decide – through a Constitutional Amendment – to eliminate school district property taxes on homeowners; and
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · texasgop.org/official-documents-2
WHEREAS, drug overdose deaths in Texas rose from 1,988 in 2012 to 4,721 in 2022, reflecting a devastating public health crisis driven largely by fentanyl and other illicit substances; and
WHEREAS, Section 32.003(a)(5) of the Texas Family Code currently allows a minor to consent to medical, dental, psychological, and surgical treatment – including examination and treatment for drug addiction, dependency, or related conditions – without parental knowledge or consent; and
WHEREAS, on August 21, 2022, 15-year-old Hays High School student Noah Rodriguez tragically died of an accidental fentanyl overdose; and
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · texasgop.org/official-documents-2
WHEREAS, each artificial Intelligence (AI) data center is projected to require up to five million gallons of water per day for cooling and operational needs; and
WHEREAS, new cooling technologies now enable water to be recycled, thereby reducing demand for fresh water and minimizing stress on Texas aquifers; and
WHEREAS, the oil and gas industry in Texas has established proven water management protocols, including the use of interconnected reserve pits designed for recycling and heat management; and
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · texasgop.org/official-documents-2
WHEREAS, the right to private property is a foundational principle of Liberty and a core component of the American and Texan way of life – a right guaranteed by both the United States and Texas Constitutions; and
WHEREAS, under the Fifth Amendment, the Constitution of the United States guarantees that private property shall not be taken for public use without just compensation; and
WHEREAS, eminent domain – the power of the government or delegated private entities to seize private property for essential public infrastructure such as roads, schools, and utilities, with compensation – should be strictly limited and exercised only under conditions of clear, immediate, and compelling public necessity; and
The Texas Legislature should introduce legislation to:
- Replace all references to “public use” within the Texas Constitution and relevant statutes with “public necessity”;
- Reform eminent domain statutes to strengthen protections for property owners by clearly defining “public necessity” to exclude private development and speculative projects;
- Prohibit the use of eminent domain for any project primarily driven by economic development purposes, speculative population or tax growth, real estate or commercial development, and public-private partnerships that provide private economic return;
- Prohibit the delegation of eminent domain authority to private companies, unelected boards, or entities that stand to profit from the land acquisition;
- Require rigorous public necessity findings before any eminent domain power is exercised within the given location or any downstream and surrounding areas, including economic, environmental, and community impact assessments;
- Require any entity exercising eminent domain to prove immediate public necessity through a third-party, independent review board, demonstrate that no less intrusive options exist, and show that the project benefits the local population where the taking occurs;
- Mandate transparent, participatory planning processes for all proposed projects involving eminent domain, including public hearings and meaningful local stakeholder engagement;
- Mandate a public referendum for any eminent domain project exceeding 100 acres or affecting more than ten property owners;
- Ensure fair, timely, and full compensation of no less than 200% of fair market value to property owners, thereby accounting for long-term land value, relocation costs, damages, and emotional and cultural loss of agricultural, residential, and environmentally sensitive land;
- Create legal safeguards and independent oversight mechanisms to review eminent domain cases and provide property owners with accessible avenues for appeal and redress;
- Establish a right of reversion whereby if land acquired through eminent domain is not used for its original stated purpose within ten years, it must be offered to the previous owner at the original compensation rate plus inflation;
The Texas Legislature should create special protections:
- For prime farmland, timberland, watersheds, bottomland hardwood forests, and multi-generational ranches and homesteads;
- To ensure that the affected lands may only be condemned by eminent domain upon an absolute showing of unavoidable, immediate public necessity and only with a two-thirds affirmative vote of the local electorate.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · texasgop.org/official-documents-2
WHEREAS, the Republican Party of Texas affirms that education is a God-given right and parental responsibility, and that every Texas child deserves a safe, high-quality, and legally compliant education; and
WHEREAS, the 2024 Republican Party of Texas Platform, adopted by grassroots delegates with overwhelming support, unequivocally prioritizes parents as the primary educators and disciplinarians of their children (Plank 85), urges the Legislature to create an independent Office of Inspector General of Education to investigate waste, fraud, and abuse – particularly sexual abuse of students, violations of parental rights, and violations of student due process rights in school settings (Plank 86) – and calls for compelling superintendents to report sex crimes within schools to outside law enforcement while removing civil liability immunity for schools and employees in such cases (2024 Legislative Priority on Stop Sexualizing Texas Kids); and
WHEREAS, these Platform planks highlight the urgent need for robust enforcement mechanisms to safeguard children, hold educators accountable, and ensure transparency – principles imperiled by systemic failures in Texas public education; and
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · texasgop.org/official-documents-2
WHEREAS, the 2024 Republican Party of Texas Platform, adopted by grassroots delegates with overwhelming support, explicitly directs local independent school districts to “sever all ties with taxpayer-funded lobby groups, including the Texas Association of School Boards (TASB) and the Texas Association of School Administrators (TASA)” and to prohibit the use of taxpayer dollars for their dues or fees (Plank 101), affirming the duty of elected school boards to maintain purview over policy, curriculum, and budget in alignment with traditional Texas values; and
WHEREAS, Plank 101 builds upon the Platform’s broader commitments to parental rights (Plank 85), enforcement against violations of those rights, including waste and abuse (Plank 86), transparency under the Texas Open Meetings Act (Plank 102), and opposition to external standards that undermine local control (Plank 94), all of which are imperiled by TASB and TASA’s monopolistic and coercive practices; and
WHEREAS, conservative school board members, elected by the people of Texas, have been subjected to systematic intimidation, coercion, and attempts to force their recusal from legitimate governance and oversight duties by administrators and attorneys funded through the TASB Legal Assistance Fund and related programs; and
BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED that the Republican Party of Texas:
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · texasgop.org/official-documents-2
WHEREAS, the Republican Party of Texas (RPT) adopted as one of its Legislative Priorities for the 89th Legislature a demand to ban the use of taxpayer dollars by political subdivisions to fund lobbying, a practice that diverts public money away from essential services and toward influencing government against the will of taxpayers; and
WHEREAS, Governor Greg Abbott included the Ban on Taxpayer-Funded Lobbying in the official call for both special sessions of the 89th Legislature, reflecting its importance to the people of Texas and his executive agenda; and
WHEREAS, only the Governor may call a special session and set the agenda, and legislators may only act on issues designated by the Governor during a special session; and
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · texasgop.org/official-documents-2
Each part reads different filings, so counts and totals can differ.
Direct PAC contributions and independent expenditures explicitly reported as support, by the party of the candidate they went to.
No candidate-directed contributions or explicitly supportive independent expenditures were returned.
Contributions are reported money, not endorsements; a PAC giving to both parties is common.
Every contribution on line 23 of the committee’s own Schedule B, which is the filing its summary totals are built from. That line covers federal candidates, party committees and other political committees alike, so a super PAC funding other super PACs appears here rather than under candidate giving.
No contributions itemized
Nothing loaded
Candidate contribution rows come from candidate committee Schedule A filings, the same rows the party chart above counts.
Money moving between this committee and other committees, matched on FEC committee ID rather than the name each filing was typed under. Both sides exclude memo entries. The figures here count each committee once, from the itemized transfers read for this section, so they will not match the payment counts under Who this PAC gave to.
Committees that reported giving to this one on their own Schedule A filings, grouped by the giver’s committee ID.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| Party committee (qualified) · Connected to DEFEND OUR MAJORITY · 15 payments | $538.9K |
| PAC (nonqualified) · 1 payment | $531.4K |
| House campaign committee · Connected to BETH VICTORY FUND · 2 payments | $248.1K |
| PAC (nonqualified) · 6 payments | $159.9K |
| PAC (nonqualified) · 3 payments | $112.7K |
| PAC (nonqualified) · 1 payment | $26.1K |
| Party committee (nonqualified) · 1 payment | $25.4K |
| House campaign committee · Connected to DEFEND OUR MAJORITY · 1 payment | $18K |
$1.7M from 21 committees, counting every itemized receipt this cycle. The largest 12 are shown.
Disbursements this committee itemized to another committee: candidate contributions, party transfers and payments alike, not contributions only.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| Party committee (qualified) · Connected to YOUNG VICTORY COMMITTEE · 9 payments | $731.7K |
| Party committee (qualified) · Connected to DEFEND OUR MAJORITY · 1 payment | $26.1K |
$757.7K across 2 recipient committees, or 12% of everything this committee reports spending.
Built from FEC Schedule A and Schedule B filings for the selected cycle. A committee only appears here if the money was itemized under its FEC committee ID.
The 6 largest committees by total given are listed. Counted from the givers' own filings, which can run above the total this committee reports.
A donor who gave several times appears once. The 12 largest donors by total given are listed. In all, 3,989 itemized contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $1.1M. FEC contributor lists are public records and cannot be used for commercial solicitation.
The 3 largest sources are listed. Each as the committee named it on this line, $303.2K from 3 sources in all.
Total reported receipts $6,565,050
Every dollar the committee reported receiving this cycle, split by the source the FEC filing attributes it to. Open a source marked + to see who gave. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
Loading the map
Tap or hover over a state, or focus the map and use the arrow keys, to read its total. Ctrl or ⌘ and scroll to zoom.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 3,855 contributions · 98% | $1,060,953 |
| 19 contributions · 1% | $10,773 |
| 1 contribution · 0.2% | $1,922 |
| 6 contributions · 0.1% | $1,200 |
| 7 contributions · 0.1% | $1,110 |
| 3 contributions · 0.1% |
Total reported disbursements $6,186,452
Every dollar this committee reported spending this cycle, split by the lines it reports against. Open a line to see who was actually paid on it. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
$6.2M spent from Jan 2025 to Oct 2026. Most in one report: $1M, Oct 1 – Oct 14, 2026.
The running total of what the committee’s FEC reports say it spent, independent expenditures included, with a point at the end of each report. The line is straight between reports because a report gives one total for its whole period.
Published by the Commission against this committee’s own FEC ID. An audit is a periodic examination that reports findings; an administrative fine is a penalty for filing a specific report late or not at all. They are separate instruments and are not combined into a score here.
1984 cycleReport released Apr 15, 1988
Late YE report, 2000
Case 455 at the FEC ↗Source: the Commission’s audit-case and administrative-fine records, joined on this committee’s FEC ID, imported Oct 26, 2026. Enforcement matters (MURs) are published only against respondent names, with no committee identifier, so they are not shown here rather than being matched by name.
No lobbying disclosures matched
The Republican Party of Texas (RPT) is the Texas affiliate of the Republican Party in the United States. It is currently chaired by D'Rinda Randall, who succeeded Abraham George in 2026. The party is headquartered in Austin, Texas, and is legally considered a political action committee under Texas law. As of 2025, it is the state's ruling party, controlling all statewide elected offices, both houses of the legislature, and the majority of congressional seats. Linked public record: Wikipedia organization profile.
Statements are quoted from these pages exactly. Headings, order and wording are the committee’s or its sponsor’s; the record marking is ours.
Republican Party of Texas is matched to organization records using the FEC committee identity, structured identifiers, and corroborated organization data.
LittleSis data is shared under CC BY-SA 4.0.
| $5.3K |
| House campaign committee · Connected to MORAN VICTORY FUND · 1 payment | $5K |
| PAC (qualified) · 1 payment | $5K |
| House campaign committee · 1 payment | $3.1K |
| $1,100 |
| 17 contributions · <0.1% | $963 |
| 2 contributions · <0.1% | $900 |
By the state each contributor wrote on the filing. The FEC aggregates every Schedule A line together, so one committee or organization transfer can account for a whole state. Contributors who have given $200 or less this cycle are not itemized and cannot be placed on a map. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total.
| Employer as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an employer · 2,054 contributions · 50% of ranked | $435,535 |
| Written instead of an employer · 377 contributions · 13% of ranked | $115,227 |
| Written instead of an employer · 50 contributions · 1.4% of ranked | $11,916 |
| 2 contributions · 1.2% of ranked | $10,900 |
| 2 contributions · 1.2% of ranked | $10,800 |
| 2 contributions · 1.2% of ranked | $10,800 |
| 1 contribution · 1.1% of ranked | $10,000 |
| 1 contribution · 1.1% of ranked | $10,000 |
A further $122,523 came from donors whose answer names no employer (N/A, None, blank), so it is not ranked. Ranked from the largest 200 of 201 employer spellings filed; each share is of the money in those. Itemized receipts grouped by the words contributors filed. The FEC aggregates every Schedule A line here, so committee and organization money sits alongside individuals; this is not an industry classification. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($1,257,361) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.
| Occupation as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an occupation · 2,074 contributions · 48% of ranked | $442,785 |
| 63 contributions · 3.3% of ranked | $30,710 |
| 92 contributions · 3.1% of ranked | $28,888 |
| 34 contributions · 2.8% of ranked | $25,975 |
| 3 contributions · 2.2% of ranked | $20,500 |
| 14 contributions · 2.1% of ranked | $19,455 |
| Written instead of an occupation · 27 contributions · 1.7% of ranked | $15,212 |
| Written instead of an occupation · 49 contributions · 1.3% of ranked | $11,956 |
A further $116,278 came from donors whose answer names no occupation (N/A, blank), so it is not ranked. Ranked from the largest 200 of 201 occupation spellings filed; each share is of the money in those. Itemized receipts grouped by the words contributors filed. The FEC aggregates every Schedule A line here, so committee and organization money sits alongside individuals; this is not an industry classification. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($1,257,361) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.
Total itemized disbursements $2,988,473
Every itemized payment the committee reported this cycle, sorted by what it said each one was for. The categories are ours; the wording they are matched against is the committee’s own. Open a category to read the filed descriptions and who was paid. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
All 958 itemized payments filed this cycle. Spending below the itemization threshold is not filed line by line.
62 payments were reported as a lump sum, such as a card or payroll bill, with the detail filed underneath as memo entries. Those entries, $152,522 in all, are counted under the payee and purpose they name rather than under the processor that was paid. The total is the same either way.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 9 payments · 12% of all spending | $731,650 |
| 9 payments · 10% of all spending | $647,000 |
| 34 payments · 5.7% of all spending | $350,911 |
| 9 payments · 2.1% of all spending | $132,994 |
| 3 payments · 2.1% of all spending | $130,000 |
| 15 payments · 1.8% of all spending | $108,515 |
| 9 payments · 1.5% of all spending | $92,890 |
| 1 payment · 1.4% of all spending | $89,064 |
The people, firms and committees paid the most, across every kind of payment. Each share is of everything the committee reported spending this cycle, not only the itemized payments above. A payee that is itself a committee links to its own profile.