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Loading this candidate’s profile from the FEC filings and campaign records.
Where They Stand is a nonpartisan guide to everyone running for Congress: their money, their own words and how incumbents voted. Find your ballot →
Candidates › ID-01 race › 2025–2026
R Republican nominee for U.S. House, ID-01
Representative since 2019
The same platforms’ other accounts, such as a congressional office’s or an earlier campaign’s.
6 priorities from russfulcher.com, in the order they are listed there. Every heading and the text under it is copied exactly, as one passage for each page it is from, and links to that place on the page; hover a source to see which passage it opens.
A nation that cannot secure its border cannot control its future.
Russ supports strong border security, full enforcement of immigration law, and an orderly legal immigration process that puts American citizens first. He has voted to fund the border wall, supported President Trump’s border security efforts, and personally toured the border to see the crisis firsthand. Russ welcomes those who come legally, obey the law, assimilate, and contribute; but he opposes illegal immigration, driver’s licenses for illegal aliens, provisional ballots for illegal aliens, visa lotteries, and efforts to decriminalize unlawful entry.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · russfulcher.com/issues
Heading as listed on russfulcher.com/issues ↗ (opens russfulcher.com/issues at this heading)
Breaching the Snake River dams would be a disaster for Idaho’s economy and way of life.
Russ strongly opposes breaching the lower four Snake River dams. These dams provide clean hydro energy, irrigation, flood protection, recreation, and vital access to the Port of Lewiston. They help move American wheat to market and support Idaho agriculture, jobs, and natural resources. Removing these dams would weaken Idaho’s competitive edge and deal a crushing blow to the economy of Idaho and the Pacific Northwest.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · russfulcher.com/issues
Heading as listed on russfulcher.com/issues ↗ (opens russfulcher.com/issues at this heading)
Russ is proudly pro-life and believes every unborn child has a right to life.
He ardently believes life begins at conception and has backed legislation to stop taxpayer funding for abortion, protect babies born alive after failed abortions, and reaffirm the dignity of unborn life. Russ has also defended religious liberty against mandates that force faith-based organizations to violate their beliefs.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · russfulcher.com/issues
Heading as listed on russfulcher.com/issues ↗ (opens russfulcher.com/issues at this heading)
The right to keep and bear arms is our constitutional right and it shall not be infringed.
Russ believes Idahoans have the right to fully exercise their Second Amendment freedoms. In Congress, he has opposed efforts to restrict gun rights and has supported legislation to protect due process, concealed carry reciprocity, lawful firearm ownership, and the ability of citizens to defend their families and property. Russ will continue working to stop federal overreach and defend the constitutional rights of law-abiding Americans.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · russfulcher.com/issues
Heading as listed on russfulcher.com/issues ↗ (opens russfulcher.com/issues at this heading)
Idahoans should have more management control over the land inside our border.
With the federal government controlling roughly 63% of Idaho’s land, Russ believes local communities are better equipped to manage Idaho’s forests, minerals, energy, and natural resources. He has supported legislation to streamline geothermal energy development, responsibly expand domestic mining, improve forest management, reduce destructive wildfire risk, and help rural communities benefit from timber and resource production. Russ believes wise land management with strong local input will protect our lands, reduce wildfire risk, and create great paying jobs.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · russfulcher.com/issues
Heading as listed on russfulcher.com/issues ↗ (opens russfulcher.com/issues at this heading)
Washington’s reckless spending is driving debt, inflation, and economic pain for Idahoan families.
Russ believes Congress should be held to the same basic standard as Idaho families: do not spend money you do not have. He supports a balanced budget amendment and has pushed for a more transparent legislative process through his One Subject at a Time Act. Russ opposes massive omnibus spending bills that hide waste, debt, and earmarks from the public. To bring down inflation and protect working families, he believes Washington must finally get spending under control.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · russfulcher.com/issues
Heading as listed on russfulcher.com/issues ↗ (opens russfulcher.com/issues at this heading)
94% of their votes went with their party’s majority; they broke with it 41 times in the 119th Congress.
House Committee on Energy and Commerce
House Committee on Natural Resources
Matching this candidate against the House and Senate voting records…
The CRS policy areas of Fulcher’s 39 substantive sponsored measures, Congresses 117, 118, 119; the figure is how many fall in each. Sponsorship indicates legislative focus, not every policy position. GovInfo source ↗
FEC filings, Jan 1, 2025 to Oct 14, 2026 · Official FEC bulk data · committee C00648295
96¢ of every dollar raised has been spent across 9 reports ($818.4K of $848.4K). Cash on hand went from $177.1K on Mar 31, 2025 to $209.9K on Oct 14, 2026.
| Report | Raised in the period | Spent in the period | Cash on hand at its close |
|---|---|---|---|
| APRIL QUARTERLY 2025 through Mar 31, 2025 | $118,149 | $121,071 | $177,087 |
| JULY QUARTERLY 2025 through Jun 30, 2025 | $62,539 | $60,954 | $178,672 |
| OCTOBER QUARTERLY 2025 through Sep 30, 2025 | $135,733 | $90,274 | $224,130 |
| YEAR-END 2025 through Dec 31, 2025 | $53,093 | $56,256 | $220,968 |
| APRIL QUARTERLY 2026 through Mar 31, 2026 | $178,540 | $111,805 | $287,703 |
| PRE-PRIMARY 2026 through Apr 29, 2026 | $33,691 | $58,319 | $263,075 |
| JULY QUARTERLY 2026 through Jun 30, 2026 | $84,871 | $99,246 | $248,700 |
| OCTOBER QUARTERLY 2026 through Sep 30, 2026 | $157,611 | $138,421 | $267,890 |
| PRE-GENERAL 2026 through Oct 14, 2026 | $24,157 | $82,103 | $209,944 |
Each report’s own period, as filed with the FEC; a report filed again counts once, as its latest copy.
No endorsements page
Advanced · 99,985 votes (78%) · 1 of 3 · Full results ↗
Won · 164,108 votes (56%) · 1 of 4 · Full results ↗
Every contest for this seat that named this candidate, most recent last; a result is shown once the race is called. Election dates and results from civicAPI (civicapi.org). civicAPI aggregates results from Secretaries of State and equivalent election bodies, and makes its own race calls. civicapi.org ↗
Official FEC filing record for the current cycle. The priorities they publish are quoted from their own site, in their order.
Statements are quoted from these pages exactly. Headings, order and wording are the campaign’s; the record marking is ours.
A donor who gave several times appears once. The 12 largest donors by total given are listed. In all, 223 itemized contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $197K.
The 12 largest committees by total given are listed. In all, 193 committee contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $404.1K. Counted from the givers' own filings, which can run above the total the campaign itself reports.
Total reported receipts $848,384
Every dollar the committee reported receiving this cycle, split by the source the FEC filing attributes it to. Open a source marked + to see who gave. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
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Tap or hover over a state, or focus the map and use the arrow keys, to read its total. Ctrl or ⌘ and scroll to zoom.
92% of the money placed by state came from inside Idaho: $181.1K of $197K.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 200 contributions · 92% | $181,137 |
| 8 contributions · 3.6% | $7,000 |
| 1 contribution · 1.8% | $3,500 |
| 5 contributions · 1% | $2,000 |
| 3 contributions · 0.6% | $1,100 |
| 2 contributions · 0.3% | $550 |
| 1 contribution · 0.3% | $500 |
| 1 contribution · 0.3% | $500 |
By the state each donor wrote on the filing, across 10 states and territories. Donors who have given $200 or less this cycle are not itemized, so they cannot be placed on a map. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total.
| Employer as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an employer · 98 contributions · 30% of ranked | $58,526 |
| Written instead of an employer · 32 contributions · 10% of ranked | $19,650 |
| 2 contributions · 3.6% of ranked | $7,000 |
| 2 contributions · 3.6% of ranked | $7,000 |
| Written instead of an employer · 2 contributions · 3.6% of ranked | $7,000 |
| 2 contributions · 3.6% of ranked | $7,000 |
| 2 contributions · 3.6% of ranked | $7,000 |
| 2 contributions · 3.6% of ranked | $7,000 |
Itemized gifts over $200, grouped by the words donors filed: not an industry classification, and a gift from an employee is not a gift from the employer. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($27,659) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.
Money groups spent on their own, not through a campaign. Each ad is filed against the candidate it names, so money attacking an opponent shows on the opponent’s row. Open a candidate to see who spent it.
The campaign also refunded $3,622 in contributions, which the categories below do not include.
Total itemized disbursements $393,282
Every itemized payment the committee reported this cycle, sorted by what it said each one was for. The categories are ours; the wording they are matched against is the committee’s own. Open a category to read the filed descriptions and who was paid. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
All 383 itemized payments filed this cycle. Spending below the itemization threshold is not filed line by line.
5 payments were reported as a lump sum, such as a card or payroll bill, with the detail filed underneath as memo entries. Those entries, $1,848 in all, are counted under the payee and purpose they name rather than under the processor that was paid. The total is the same either way.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 2 payments · 7.1% of all spending | $58,000 |
| 1 payment · 5.4% of all spending | $44,550 |
| 17 payments · 5.2% of all spending | $42,642 |
| 13 payments · 4.4% of all spending | $36,318 |
| 14 payments · 3.4% of all spending | $27,863 |
| 34 payments · 3.2% of all spending | $26,095 |
| 11 payments · 2.5% of all spending | $20,405 |
| 1 payment · 2.4% of all spending | $19,492 |
The people, firms and committees paid the most, across every kind of payment. Each share is of everything the committee reported spending this cycle, not only the itemized payments above. A payee that is itself a committee links to its own profile.
| Occupation as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an occupation · 98 contributions · 31% of ranked | $58,526 |
| 9 contributions · 14% of ranked | $26,000 |
| 11 contributions · 12% of ranked | $23,550 |
| 11 contributions · 10% of ranked | $19,079 |
| Written instead of an occupation · 2 contributions · 3.7% of ranked | $7,000 |
| 2 contributions · 3.7% of ranked | $7,000 |
| 2 contributions · 3.7% of ranked | $7,000 |
| 2 contributions · 2.4% of ranked | $4,500 |
A further $6,750 came from donors whose answer names no occupation (blank), so it is not ranked. Itemized gifts over $200, grouped by the words donors filed: not an industry classification, and a gift from an employee is not a gift from the employer. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($27,659) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.