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Loading this candidate’s profile from the FEC filings and campaign records.
Where They Stand is a nonpartisan guide to everyone running for Congress: their money, their own words and how incumbents voted. Find your ballot →
Candidates › TN-04 race › 2025–2026
D Democratic nominee for U.S. House, TN-04
Has not served in Congress
17 priorities from victoria4tennessee.org, in the order they are listed there. Every heading and the text under it is copied exactly, as one passage for each page it is from, and links to that place on the page; hover a source to see which passage it opens.
Our communities deserve to be safe to live in with investments in safety nets that help lift people up not criminalize them.
Our schools should be for education, not for gun violence drills. As a common sense gun owner, my job is to address gun violence, not pass the buck. Our communities deserve action, not apathy.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · victoria4tennessee.org/issues
Let's face it, families are working harder than ever, but falling further behind. We need policy rooted in compassion. Universal Healthcare is a must. Affordable Housing should be available for every tax payer. A tax system where billionaires pay their fair share because the rest of us already are.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · victoria4tennessee.org/issues
Our country is founded on Freedom. What good is freedom if you can't afford to use it?
Every person should be able to make the best decision for your body, love who you love, live freely, vote freely and fairly.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · victoria4tennessee.org/issues
This campaign isn't about politics - it's about people. It's about building a future where your zip code doesn't determine your destiny. Building a country that works for all of us!
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · victoria4tennessee.org/issues
Tennessee is one of just 11 states that has refused to expand Medicaid, and it's Tennesseans who pay the price. Nearly twice as many people go uninsured here compared to states that expanded coverage, and our rural hospitals are paying for it too, operating on thinner margins and facing higher closure risk.
I won't wait on the state legislature to fix this. In Congress, I'll fight to strengthen the Affordable Care Act by lowering premiums, reducing deductibles, and cutting out-of-pocket costs for families. And I'll work to close the coverage gap directly, supporting a Medicare-like program for Tennesseans who don't qualify for ACA subsidies but are denied Medicaid because the state did not expand coverage.
I'll also fight for the resources our rural hospitals need to stay open. I support the bipartisan Save Struggling Hospitals Act, which corrects a Medicare funding formula that currently shortchanges hospitals in lower-wage areas, including many of the rural hospitals serving District 4. This bill has support on both sides of the aisle because keeping hospital doors open shouldn't be a partisan issue.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · victoria4tennessee.org/more-about-my-platform
Safety means confronting gun violence honestly and effectively, not ignoring it and not overcorrecting against responsible gun owners. I'll back federal background check laws that actually close existing loopholes, and I'll support funding for state red flag programs so families and law enforcement have a real tool to intervene before a warning sign turns into a tragedy. I'll also fight for investment in community violence intervention programs, which have a proven track record of reducing shootings where they're implemented.
At the same time, I'll protect responsible gun ownership for hunters, sport shooters, and families who rely on firearms for their own safety. These goals aren't in conflict. We can respect the rights of responsible gun owners while making our schools, houses of worship, and public spaces safer for everyone.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · victoria4tennessee.org/more-about-my-platform
Americans shouldn't bear the economic and human cost of wars they didn't ask for and don't support. Tennesseans deserve a representative who takes defense oversight seriously, not one who sits on the committee that shapes our defense policy and does nothing to stop conflicts from dragging on. When we enter a war without a clear plan for ending it, gas prices rise, fewer of our troops come home, and America's credibility on the world stage suffers. I will demand real accountability on how and why we commit to military engagements, and I will not support open-ended wars with no defined path to resolution.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · victoria4tennessee.org/more-about-my-platform
Childcare costs are eating into family budgets across Tennessee, money that could go toward housing, food, or a college fund. No family should have to choose between quality childcare and financial stability.
I will fight for a federal-state partnership that makes voluntary pre-K available to every 3 and 4-year-old, regardless of family income. Rather than build a new federal bureaucracy, this plan strengthens the mix of providers families already trust: public schools, Head Start, licensed daycare centers, and family childcare providers. The federal government funds the expansion, states share the cost over time, and no family is required to participate if it's not right for them.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · victoria4tennessee.org/more-about-my-platform
Families across TN-04, especially in rural communities, are being priced out of homeownership while construction costs outpace what working people can afford. I'll support a package of targeted, fiscally responsible solutions built to close that gap.
I support the Rural Housing Service Reform Act, which modernizes USDA rural housing programs, makes loans more accessible to low-income rural families, and directs funding to local organizations building housing and infrastructure where it's needed most.
I support the Neighborhood Homes Investment Act, a targeted tax credit that closes the gap between construction costs and what working families can actually afford. In TN-04, this could open the door to homeownership for well over a hundred thousand low and moderate income households, particularly in areas like rural Rutherford County, where that gap is widest.
I support the Affordable Housing Credit Improvement Act, which expands access to housing tax credits across much of TN-04 and includes built-in accountability measures to ensure the investment is spent wisely, with meaningful benefits for veterans seeking stable housing.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · victoria4tennessee.org/more-about-my-platform
Your Fourth Amendment rights don't expire just because the technology changes. The Constitution guarantees Americans the right to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, and law enforcement should have to get a warrant before invading that privacy, whether it's a filing cabinet or a facial recognition database.
I will fight for the passage of the PRIVACY Act, which requires federal law enforcement to obtain a warrant before accessing or querying surveillance data collected by state and local systems, including automated license plate readers and similar tracking technologies. The bill limits how long that data can be retained after a warrant is issued, generally capping it at 30 days unless it's tied to an active prosecution or a court grants a limited extension. It also blocks federal funds from being used to purchase or install these intrusive surveillance systems, with narrow exceptions.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · victoria4tennessee.org/more-about-my-platform
No American should face investigation, prosecution, or government enforcement action simply because of who they voted for, what they said, or who they associate with. That principle should hold true no matter which party controls the White House.
I will work to ensure passage of the No Political Enemies Act (H.R. 7060), which prohibits the president, vice-president, federal agencies, and independent executive agencies from opening or directing an investigation, prosecution, regulatory action, or other enforcement action against a person or organization when that action is substantially motivated by their constitutionally protected speech, dissent, expression, or association. This is a safeguard against the government being weaponized to punish political opponents, and it protects that right for everyone, regardless of party.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · victoria4tennessee.org/more-about-my-platform
The government shouldn't have a say in decisions that belong to individuals, families, and their doctors. I will work to codify abortion access into federal law, protect access to IVF and contraception, and defend the right to marry regardless of who you love. I'll also fight to limit government overreach that negatively affects the lives of LGBTQ+ Tennesseans and their families.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · victoria4tennessee.org/more-about-my-platform
FEC filings, Jan 1, 2025 to Oct 14, 2026 · Official FEC bulk data · committee C00876433
96¢ of every dollar raised has been spent across 9 reports ($90.1K of $94.2K). Cash on hand went from $10.2K on Mar 31, 2025 to $11.8K on Oct 14, 2026.
| Report | Raised in the period | Spent in the period | Cash on hand at its close |
|---|---|---|---|
| APRIL QUARTERLY 2025 through Mar 31, 2025 | $9,397 | $6,864 | $10,225 |
| JULY QUARTERLY 2025 through Jun 30, 2025 | $13,230 | $10,563 | $12,892 |
| OCTOBER QUARTERLY 2025 through Sep 30, 2025 | $7,895 | $11,225 | $9,563 |
| YEAR-END 2025 through Dec 31, 2025 | $5,741 | $9,436 | $5,868 |
| APRIL QUARTERLY 2026 through Mar 31, 2026 | $5,902 | $7,826 | $3,943 |
| JULY QUARTERLY 2026 through Jun 30, 2026 | $10,062 | $10,359 | $3,646 |
| PRE-PRIMARY 2026 through Jul 17, 2026 | $7,544 | $2,700 | $8,490 |
| OCTOBER QUARTERLY 2026 through Sep 30, 2026 | $24,159 | $24,005 | $8,645 |
| PRE-GENERAL 2026 through Oct 14, 2026 | $10,286 | $7,083 | $11,848 |
Each report’s own period, as filed with the FEC; a report filed again counts once, as its latest copy.
No endorsers named
Advanced · 12,422 votes (38%) · 1 of 5 · Full results ↗
Election not held yet · Full results ↗
Every contest for this seat that named this candidate, most recent last; a result is shown once the race is called. Election dates and results from civicAPI (civicapi.org). civicAPI aggregates results from Secretaries of State and equivalent election bodies, and makes its own race calls. civicapi.org ↗
Official FEC filing record for the current cycle. The priorities they publish are quoted from their own site, in their order.
Statements are quoted from these pages exactly. Headings, order and wording are the campaign’s; the record marking is ours.
A donor who gave several times appears once. The 12 largest donors by total given are listed. In all, 178 itemized contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $26.1K.
The 2 largest committees by total given are listed. In all, 2 committee contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $300. Counted from the givers' own filings, which can run above the total the campaign itself reports.
Total reported receipts $94,217
Every dollar the committee reported receiving this cycle, split by the source the FEC filing attributes it to. Open a source marked + to see who gave. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
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Tap or hover over a state, or focus the map and use the arrow keys, to read its total. Ctrl or ⌘ and scroll to zoom.
67% of the money placed by state came from inside Tennessee: $17.6K of $26.1K.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 129 contributions · 67% | $17,567 |
| 1 contribution · 13% | $3,500 |
| 36 contributions · 9.3% | $2,425 |
| 3 contributions · 3.5% | $918 |
| 6 contributions · 2.5% | $660 |
| 1 contribution · 1.9% | $500 |
| 1 contribution · 1% | $250 |
| 1 contribution · 1% | $250 |
By the state each donor wrote on the filing, across 8 states and territories. Donors who have given $200 or less this cycle are not itemized, so they cannot be placed on a map. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total.
| Employer as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an employer · 100 contributions · 57% of ranked | $14,330 |
| 1 contribution · 14% of ranked | $3,500 |
| Written instead of an employer · 2 contributions · 9% of ranked | $2,250 |
| 11 contributions · 3.8% of ranked | $955 |
| Written instead of an employer · 2 contributions · 2.8% of ranked | $700 |
| 1 contribution · 2% of ranked | $500 |
| 1 contribution · 2% of ranked | $500 |
| 15 contributions · 1.5% of ranked | $375 |
A further $935 came from donors whose answer names no employer (None, blank), so it is not ranked. Itemized gifts over $200, grouped by the words donors filed: not an industry classification, and a gift from an employee is not a gift from the employer. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($50,909) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.
Money groups spent on their own, not through a campaign. Each ad is filed against the candidate it names, so money attacking an opponent shows on the opponent’s row. Open a candidate to see who spent it.
The campaign also refunded $635 in contributions, which the categories below do not include.
Total itemized disbursements $82,360
Every itemized payment the committee reported this cycle, sorted by what it said each one was for. The categories are ours; the wording they are matched against is the committee’s own. Open a category to read the filed descriptions and who was paid. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
All 338 itemized payments filed this cycle. Spending below the itemization threshold is not filed line by line.
1 payment was reported as a lump sum, such as a card or payroll bill, with the detail filed underneath as memo entries. Those entries, -$151 in all, are counted under the payee and purpose they name rather than under the processor that was paid. The total is the same either way.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 9 payments · 10% of all spending | $9,079 |
| 22 payments · 8.1% of all spending | $7,332 |
| 13 payments · 7% of all spending | $6,277 |
| 7 payments · 6.9% of all spending | $6,212 |
| 3 payments · 6.4% of all spending | $5,771 |
| 40 payments · 4.1% of all spending | $3,702 |
| 103 payments · 3.4% of all spending | $3,043 |
| 5 payments · 3.4% of all spending | $3,021 |
The people, firms and committees paid the most, across every kind of payment. Each share is of everything the committee reported spending this cycle, not only the itemized payments above. A payee that is itself a committee links to its own profile.
| Occupation as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an occupation · 86 contributions · 49% of ranked | $12,650 |
| 4 contributions · 15% of ranked | $3,850 |
| 21 contributions · 7.9% of ranked | $2,050 |
| 1 contribution · 7.7% of ranked | $2,000 |
| Written instead of an occupation · 4 contributions · 2.9% of ranked | $746 |
| 10 contributions · 2.7% of ranked | $705 |
| 1 contribution · 1.9% of ranked | $500 |
| 1 contribution · 1.9% of ranked | $500 |
A further $250 came from donors whose answer names no occupation (blank), so it is not ranked. Itemized gifts over $200, grouped by the words donors filed: not an industry classification, and a gift from an employee is not a gift from the employer. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($50,909) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.