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Loading this candidate’s profile from the FEC filings and campaign records.
Where They Stand is a nonpartisan guide to everyone running for Congress: their money, their own words and how incumbents voted. Find your ballot →
Candidates › MA-04 race › 2025–2026
D Democratic nominee for U.S. House, MA-04
Representative since 2021
4 priorities from jakeforma.com, in the order they are listed there. Every heading and the text under it is copied exactly, as one passage for each page it is from, and links to that place on the page; hover a source to see which passage it opens.
Treat cost disease, reduce the debt, and save Social Security ↗ (opens jakeforma.com/issues at this heading)
Americans deserve better than a hot-potato game of ‘affordability.’ In that game, whichever party is out of power promises to lower prices. Then, it fails to deliver.
Americans deserve financial freedom.
That requires:
Treating cost disease ↗ (opens jakeforma.com/issues at this heading)
Cost disease is when prices in a sector go up faster than wages, year over year. Housing, healthcare, and utilities are most afflicted. But their cost disease can be treated. Cut regulations that drive up prices, like bans on starter homes. Promote technology that lowers prices, particularly in hospital services. And, always: take on special interests, like utilities, that keep prices high.
Saving Social Security ↗ (opens jakeforma.com/issues at this heading)
This earned benefit is sacrosanct. Yet, it’s on track to be insolvent by 2033. Congress must fix the arithmetic of Social Security. That fix should include the wealthiest paying more than into a Trust Fund. It should also include raising the minimum wage and expanding access to wealth creation for workers.
Reduce the debt ↗ (opens jakeforma.com/issues at this heading)
The last president to balance the budget was a Democrat, and the next one should be, too. Handing off more than $40 trillion in debt to the next generation is a bill that comes due in taxes and inflation. It’s not fair.
Lowering deficits requires changes in growth, taxes and spending. Education, science, infrastructure and legal immigration improvements drive growth. Closing tax preferences like the Buy-Borrow-Die loophole for billionaires will raise tax revenue. And pursuing efficiencies in healthcare delivery, especially in chronic-disease care, can lower spending.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · jakeforma.com/issues
Heading as listed on jakeforma.com/issues ↗ (opens jakeforma.com/issues at this heading)
Social media corporations are running an experiment on our children for profit ↗ (opens jakeforma.com/issues at this heading)
The results are devastating for families. The typical American child now spends less time outdoors than a federal inmate.
In 2024, I co-led legislation to force TikTok out from under the Chinese Communist Party.
Now I’m leading legislation in Congress to:
- Raise the minimum age for social media accounts from 13 to 16 - Social media and similar apps must verify users’ ages without uploading photo IDs or scanning faces.
- Hold social media & AI companies liable for deepfakes, harassment, and other harms.
- Tax Big Tech – which pays lower effective rates than most nurses – to fund the construction of 1,000 trade schools and to surge 1:1 tutoring to public schools. After the catastrophic school closures, American public school students need more help.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · jakeforma.com/issues
Heading as listed on jakeforma.com/issues ↗ (opens jakeforma.com/issues at this heading)
Medical science delivers therapies for dread diseases like cancer, Alzheimer’s, and addiction. It’s also a jobs engine for Massachusetts. Every 10 biotech hires generates 16 non-biotech jobs.
Yet science is under attack right now.
Bloomberg called me the “Democrat taking on RFK Jr.” I fight his quackery, grift and incompetence. I am also leading legislation to:
- Fix affordability and access in drug pricing. Patients should pay low or no co-pays. Insurance companies must not abuse prior authorization. And American patients should always get the newest, life-saving medicines.
- Support and defend the integrity of the National Institutes of Health and the Food & Drug Administration. Peer review, not politics, should determine which science is funded. Medicines should be evaluated based on safety & efficacy, not wins for the White House.
- Modernize U.S. clinical trials infrastructure. Better and faster trials will reduce the cost of drug development, bring therapies to market faster, and make the United States more competitive versus China.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · jakeforma.com/issues
Heading as listed on jakeforma.com/issues ↗ (opens jakeforma.com/issues at this heading)
Corruption is out of control. It’s not just Trump, with his crypto scams and slush funds for friends & felons. It’s a political system in which dark money floods elections, lawmakers don’t listen, and authoritarian actions go unpunished.
We must:
- Overturn Citizens United. Mine was the first signature on a ballot petition in Massachusetts to overturn this Supreme Court decision. It unleashed dark money and corporate contributions in elections. I’ll continue working to clean up that mess.
- Ban government officials from stock trading, prediction markets, and cryptocurrencies. Elected officials should also submit annual cognitive exams for the public record.
- Restore checks & balances. Strengthen congressional control over war, tariffs, appropriations, law enforcement, and independent agencies.
The rule of law is not only about the Constitution. It’s also about public safety. When shampoo is locked up, but not shoplifters, then public order decays. Public safety policy should prosecute those who break the law with firmness and justice. It should train and resource the police to solve crimes at a higher rate. And it should integrate behavioral and addiction services.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · jakeforma.com/issues
Heading as listed on jakeforma.com/issues ↗ (opens jakeforma.com/issues at this heading)
96% of their votes went with their party’s majority; they broke with it 27 times in the 119th Congress.
House Committee on Energy and Commerce
Matching this candidate against the House and Senate voting records…
The CRS policy areas of Auchincloss’ 25 substantive sponsored measures, Congresses 117, 118, 119; the figure is how many fall in each. Sponsorship indicates legislative focus, not every policy position. GovInfo source ↗
FEC filings, Jan 1, 2025 to Oct 14, 2026 · Official FEC bulk data · committee C00721449
37¢ of every dollar raised has been spent across 9 reports ($1.4M of $3.9M). Cash on hand went from $5.4M on Mar 31, 2025 to $7.5M on Oct 14, 2026.
| Report | Raised in the period | Spent in the period | Cash on hand at its close |
|---|---|---|---|
| APRIL QUARTERLY 2025 through Mar 31, 2025 | $511,980 | $125,561 | $5,369,646 |
| JULY QUARTERLY 2025 through Jun 30, 2025 | $652,913 | $151,875 | $5,870,684 |
| OCTOBER QUARTERLY 2025 through Sep 30, 2025 | $752,718 | $158,783 | $6,464,619 |
| YEAR-END 2025 through Dec 31, 2025 | $502,476 | $203,403 | $6,763,691 |
| APRIL QUARTERLY 2026 through Mar 31, 2026 | $495,527 | $275,056 | $6,984,163 |
| JULY QUARTERLY 2026 through Jun 30, 2026 | $619,743 | $195,302 | $7,408,604 |
| PRE-PRIMARY 2026 through Aug 12, 2026 | $94,972 | $161,809 | $7,341,766 |
| OCTOBER QUARTERLY 2026 through Sep 30, 2026 | $256,225 | $144,378 | $7,453,613 |
| PRE-GENERAL 2026 through Oct 14, 2026 | $48,852 | $25,635 | $7,476,829 |
Each report’s own period, as filed with the FEC; a report filed again counts once, as its latest copy.
Not read yet
Not yet called · 98% reporting · Full results ↗
Election not held yet · Full results ↗
Every contest for this seat that named this candidate, most recent last; a result is shown once the race is called. Election dates and results from civicAPI (civicapi.org). civicAPI aggregates results from Secretaries of State and equivalent election bodies, and makes its own race calls. civicapi.org ↗
Official FEC filing record for the current cycle. The priorities they publish are quoted from their own site, in their order.
Statements are quoted from these pages exactly. Headings, order and wording are the campaign’s; the record marking is ours.
A donor who gave several times appears once. The 12 largest donors by total given are listed. In all, 1,461 itemized contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $2.2M.
The 12 largest committees by total given are listed. In all, 459 committee contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $902.7K. Counted from the givers' own filings, which can run above the total the campaign itself reports.
Money moved in from the candidate’s other authorized committees, such as a joint fundraising committee. It was raised once and is reported again here on arrival. The 3 largest sources by total given are listed. In all, 10 transfers were filed this cycle, totaling $362.3K.
Total reported receipts $3,935,406
Every dollar the committee reported receiving this cycle, split by the source the FEC filing attributes it to. Open a source marked + to see who gave. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
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Tap or hover over a state, or focus the map and use the arrow keys, to read its total. Ctrl or ⌘ and scroll to zoom.
51% of the money placed by state came from inside Massachusetts: $1.1M of $2.2M.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 780 contributions · 51% | $1,138,302 |
| 186 contributions · 15% | $329,427 |
| 145 contributions · 11% | $250,814 |
| 70 contributions · 6.2% | $138,150 |
| 53 contributions · 4.1% | $91,400 |
| 25 contributions · 2.3% | $50,481 |
| 39 contributions · 2% | $45,000 |
| 49 contributions · 1.7% | $37,776 |
By the state each donor wrote on the filing, across 30 states and territories. Donors who have given $200 or less this cycle are not itemized, so they cannot be placed on a map. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total.
| Employer as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an employer · 398 contributions · 29% of ranked | $545,987 |
| Written instead of an employer · 98 contributions · 4.9% of ranked | $91,458 |
| 20 contributions · 3.3% of ranked | $61,998 |
| 10 contributions · 1.4% of ranked | $25,350 |
| 7 contributions · 1.1% of ranked | $20,500 |
| 26 contributions · 1.1% of ranked | $20,050 |
| 7 contributions · 1% of ranked | $19,250 |
| 15 contributions · 1% of ranked | $18,800 |
A further $4,850 came from donors whose answer names no employer (blank), so it is not ranked. Ranked from the largest 200 of 201 employer spellings filed; each share is of the money in those. Itemized gifts over $200, grouped by the words donors filed: not an industry classification, and a gift from an employee is not a gift from the employer. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($35,686) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.
Money groups spent on their own, not through a campaign. Each ad is filed against the candidate it names, so money attacking an opponent shows on the opponent’s row. Open a candidate to see who spent it.
The campaign also refunded $4,625 in contributions, which the categories below do not include.
Total itemized disbursements $1,270,894
Every itemized payment the committee reported this cycle, sorted by what it said each one was for. The categories are ours; the wording they are matched against is the committee’s own. Open a category to read the filed descriptions and who was paid. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
All 1,288 itemized payments filed this cycle. Spending below the itemization threshold is not filed line by line.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 62 payments · 15% of all spending | $220,215 |
| 8 payments · 15% of all spending | $210,000 |
| 3 payments · 11% of all spending | $154,000 |
| 20 payments · 7.3% of all spending | $105,000 |
| 95 payments · 4.5% of all spending | $64,782 |
| 2 payments · 4.4% of all spending | $63,902 |
| 1 payment · 2.8% of all spending | $39,838 |
| 8 payments · 1.8% of all spending | $26,388 |
The people, firms and committees paid the most, across every kind of payment. Each share is of everything the committee reported spending this cycle, not only the itemized payments above. A payee that is itself a committee links to its own profile.
| Occupation as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an occupation · 331 contributions · 20% of ranked | $451,332 |
| 95 contributions · 9.4% of ranked | $208,160 |
| 116 contributions · 6.6% of ranked | $145,575 |
| 57 contributions · 5.8% of ranked | $128,050 |
| Written instead of an occupation · 62 contributions · 3.7% of ranked | $82,905 |
| 33 contributions · 3.3% of ranked | $74,149 |
| 53 contributions · 3% of ranked | $67,351 |
| 35 contributions · 2.7% of ranked | $59,110 |
A further $4,850 came from donors whose answer names no occupation (blank), so it is not ranked. Ranked from the largest 200 of 201 occupation spellings filed; each share is of the money in those. Itemized gifts over $200, grouped by the words donors filed: not an industry classification, and a gift from an employee is not a gift from the employer. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($35,686) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.