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Loading this candidate’s profile from the FEC filings and campaign records.
Where They Stand is a nonpartisan guide to everyone running for Congress: their money, their own words and how incumbents voted. Find your ballot →
Candidates › GA-07 race › 2025–2026
R Republican nominee for U.S. House, GA-07
Representative since 2023
The same platforms’ other accounts, such as a congressional office’s or an earlier campaign’s.
8 priorities from richmccormick.us, in the order they are listed there. Every heading and the text under it is copied exactly, as one passage for each page it is from, and links to that place on the page; hover a source to see which passage it opens.
- Parents deserve the truth about whether their children are learning — not excuses, jargon, or lowered standards.
- Rich is fighting for schools that teach the basics, respect parents, support local control, and prepare students for real opportunity.
- He has backed opportunity pipelines for disadvantaged students, future physicians, scientists, and public servants, and introduced the HBCU Empowerment and Reform Act to modernize outdated federal education definitions.
Put parents first, restore high standards, support local control, and make sure
every student has a fair shot.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · richmccormick.us
Heading as listed on richmccormick.us ↗ (opens richmccormick.us at this heading)
- Georgia families know the economy by the grocery receipt, the electric bill, the rent payment, and the cost of filling up the car.
- Rich is fighting inflationary spending, deficits, and debt that make everyday life more expensive for working families.
- He introduced the Incentivize Savings Act to give federal agencies a reason to save taxpayer money — because Washington should be held to the same discipline families practice every month.
Cut inflationary spending, lower taxes, unleash American energy, and reduce the
pressure families feel every day.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · richmccormick.us
Heading as listed on richmccormick.us ↗ (opens richmccormick.us at this heading)
- As an ER doctor, Rich has seen what happens when patients have insurance but still cannot afford care.
- He is fighting for a healthcare system that connects patients to doctors, lowers costs, increases transparency, and cuts the bureaucracy standing between families and treatment.
- Rich introduced the Medical Professional Access Act to expand access to qualified professionals during natural disasters, and he has led TRICARE and VA community-care reimbursement bills focused on real access to care.
Put patients and doctors back at the center of healthcare — with more access,
more transparency, and lower costs.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · richmccormick.us
Heading as listed on richmccormick.us ↗ (opens richmccormick.us at this heading)
- As a Marine pilot and Navy Commander, Rich knows readiness is not a slogan. It is preparation, discipline, and responsibility before the crisis comes.
- Rich supports America's servicemembers, our strongest allies, and responsible investments in the capabilities needed to defend American interests abroad.
- He introduced the ROTOR Act with bipartisan Armed Services support to strengthen military readiness.
Support servicemembers, invest responsibly in readiness, and keep America strong
enough to deter conflict.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · richmccormick.us
Heading as listed on richmccormick.us ↗ (opens richmccormick.us at this heading)
- Government should make it easier to build, work, travel, and serve a community.
- Rich is fighting costly federal red tape when it delays roads, raises costs, closes local recreation, or hurts small businesses and families.
- From fighting to keep Lake Lanier campgrounds open, to challenging agencies that fail the people they serve, Rich believes Washington should answer to communities.
Cut costly regulations, back small businesses, and make Washington serve
communities again.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · richmccormick.us
Heading as listed on richmccormick.us ↗ (opens richmccormick.us at this heading)
- Rich believes public service should be measured by results, not speeches, slogans, or press releases.
- He has helped bring over $319 million back to the district and its people since taking office.
- He introduced the Litigation Reimbursement Act to push accountability in the legal system and continues working across Armed Services, Oversight, and Science policy to deliver practical results for Georgia.
Solve problems, measure results, hold government accountable, and put Georgia
families ahead of Washington politics.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · richmccormick.us
Heading as listed on richmccormick.us ↗ (opens richmccormick.us at this heading)
- A country that cannot enforce its laws cannot keep faith with its citizens.
- Rich supports real border security, accountability after repeated federal failures, and policies that protect communities and restore control at the southern border.
- He introduced and passed the Economic Espionage Prevention Act and introduced the Humanitarian Theft Enforcement Act to confront foreign abuse, corruption, and threats to American interests.
Secure the border, support law enforcement, and restore
accountability at home and abroad.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · richmccormick.us
Heading as listed on richmccormick.us ↗ (opens richmccormick.us at this heading)
- Self-government depends on trust. Every voter should know the rules are clear, the process is transparent, and every legal vote is protected.
- Rich supports election integrity measures that strengthen confidence, demand accountability, and make sure officials and agencies provide clear answers.
- Election security is not about helping one party. It is about protecting the constitutional system every American depends on.
Protect election integrity with clear rules, transparency, and confidence in every
legal vote.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · richmccormick.us
Heading as listed on richmccormick.us ↗ (opens richmccormick.us at this heading)
95% of their votes went with their party’s majority; they broke with it 34 times in the 119th Congress.
House Committee on Armed Services
House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform
House Committee on Science, Space, and Technology
Matching this candidate against the House and Senate voting records…
The CRS policy areas of McCormick’s 37 substantive sponsored measures, Congresses 117, 118, 119; the figure is how many fall in each. Sponsorship indicates legislative focus, not every policy position. GovInfo source ↗
FEC filings, Jan 1, 2025 to Oct 14, 2026 · Official FEC bulk data · committee C00706747
72¢ of every dollar raised has been spent across 9 reports ($1.6M of $2.3M). Cash on hand went from $809.8K on Mar 31, 2025 to $1.3M on Oct 14, 2026.
| Report | Raised in the period | Spent in the period | Cash on hand at its close |
|---|---|---|---|
| APRIL QUARTERLY 2025 through Mar 31, 2025 | $288,928 | $176,998 | $809,752 |
| JULY QUARTERLY 2025 through Jun 30, 2025 | $222,578 | $439,901 | $592,429 |
| OCTOBER QUARTERLY 2025 through Sep 30, 2025 | $318,771 | $235,637 | $675,563 |
| YEAR-END 2025 through Dec 31, 2025 | $218,287 | $131,331 | $762,519 |
| APRIL QUARTERLY 2026 through Mar 31, 2026 | $266,853 | $193,343 | $836,028 |
| PRE-PRIMARY 2026 through Apr 29, 2026 | $37,394 | $36,972 | $836,450 |
| JULY QUARTERLY 2026 through Jun 30, 2026 | $289,602 | $118,068 | $1,007,984 |
| OCTOBER QUARTERLY 2026 through Sep 30, 2026 | $518,460 | $208,755 | $1,317,690 |
| PRE-GENERAL 2026 through Oct 14, 2026 | $89,630 | $71,447 | $1,335,872 |
Each report’s own period, as filed with the FEC; a report filed again counts once, as its latest copy.
Money moved in from the candidate’s other authorized committees, such as a joint fundraising committee. It was raised once and is reported again here on arrival. The 2 largest sources by total given are listed. In all, 21 transfers were filed this cycle, totaling $1.1M.
No endorsements page
Advanced · 83,566 votes (100%) · 1 of 1 · Full results ↗
Election not held yet · Full results ↗
Every contest for this seat that named this candidate, most recent last; a result is shown once the race is called. Election dates and results from civicAPI (civicapi.org). civicAPI aggregates results from Secretaries of State and equivalent election bodies, and makes its own race calls. civicapi.org ↗
Official FEC filing record for the current cycle. The priorities they publish are quoted from their own site, in their order.
Statements are quoted from these pages exactly. Headings, order and wording are the campaign’s; the record marking is ours.
The 12 largest committees by total given are listed. In all, 267 committee contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $554K. Counted from the givers' own filings, which can run above the total the campaign itself reports.
A donor who gave several times appears once. The 12 largest donors by total given are listed. In all, 317 itemized contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $413.3K.
Total reported receipts $2,250,503
Every dollar the committee reported receiving this cycle, split by the source the FEC filing attributes it to. Open a source marked + to see who gave. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
Loading the map
Tap or hover over a state, or focus the map and use the arrow keys, to read its total. Ctrl or ⌘ and scroll to zoom.
39% of the money placed by state came from inside Georgia: $160.9K of $413.3K.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 112 contributions · 39% | $160,875 |
| 27 contributions · 19% | $76,550 |
| 22 contributions · 8% | $33,215 |
| 25 contributions · 5.2% | $21,525 |
| 13 contributions · 5.1% | $21,250 |
| 9 contributions · 3.6% | $15,000 |
| 11 contributions · 3% | $12,220 |
| 19 contributions · 2.8% | $11,750 |
By the state each donor wrote on the filing, across 34 states and territories. Donors who have given $200 or less this cycle are not itemized, so they cannot be placed on a map. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total.
| Employer as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an employer · 61 contributions · 11% of ranked | $39,902 |
| 1 contribution · 8.2% of ranked | $30,000 |
| Written instead of an employer · 35 contributions · 6.7% of ranked | $24,450 |
| 2 contributions · 3.8% of ranked | $14,000 |
| 5 contributions · 2.1% of ranked | $7,800 |
| 2 contributions · 1.9% of ranked | $7,000 |
| 1 contribution · 1.9% of ranked | $7,000 |
| 1 contribution · 1.9% of ranked | $7,000 |
A further $49,000 came from donors whose answer names no employer (None, blank), so it is not ranked. Itemized gifts over $200, grouped by the words donors filed: not an industry classification, and a gift from an employee is not a gift from the employer. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($15,962) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.
Money groups spent on their own, not through a campaign. Each ad is filed against the candidate it names, so money attacking an opponent shows on the opponent’s row. Open a candidate to see who spent it.
The campaign also refunded $78,006 in contributions, which the categories below do not include.
Total itemized disbursements $1,202,553
Every itemized payment the committee reported this cycle, sorted by what it said each one was for. The categories are ours; the wording they are matched against is the committee’s own. Open a category to read the filed descriptions and who was paid. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
All 1,491 itemized payments filed this cycle. Spending below the itemization threshold is not filed line by line.
46 payments were reported as a lump sum, such as a card or payroll bill, with the detail filed underneath as memo entries. Those entries, $269,829 in all, are counted under the payee and purpose they name rather than under the processor that was paid. The total is the same either way.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 18 payments · 14% of all spending | $221,131 |
| 50 payments · 13% of all spending | $208,669 |
| 29 payments · 5.7% of all spending | $91,225 |
| 3 payments · 4% of all spending | $65,000 |
| 15 payments · 3.8% of all spending | $60,986 |
| 17 payments · 3.3% of all spending | $53,836 |
| 23 payments · 2.9% of all spending | $47,348 |
| 1 payment · 2.1% of all spending | $33,500 |
The people, firms and committees paid the most, across every kind of payment. Each share is of everything the committee reported spending this cycle, not only the itemized payments above. A payee that is itself a committee links to its own profile.
| Occupation as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| 22 contributions · 19% of ranked | $69,750 |
| Written instead of an occupation · 59 contributions · 11% of ranked | $41,902 |
| 22 contributions · 6.6% of ranked | $24,125 |
| 10 contributions · 5.6% of ranked | $20,350 |
| 23 contributions · 4.8% of ranked | $17,500 |
| 4 contributions · 2.8% of ranked | $10,250 |
| 5 contributions · 2.1% of ranked | $7,800 |
| 8 contributions · 2.1% of ranked | $7,550 |
A further $46,950 came from donors whose answer names no occupation (None, blank), so it is not ranked. Itemized gifts over $200, grouped by the words donors filed: not an industry classification, and a gift from an employee is not a gift from the employer. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($15,962) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.