Tyler Bass (R) for Congress, Minnesota's 3rd, 2026

Licensed permit to carry. Gun safety courses. I will never vote to ban the AR-15, restrict magazine capacity, or add new hoops for law-abiding gun owners.
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Gun Rights On The Ballot ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/gun-rights-on-the-ballot at this heading)
Gun Owners of CD3: Quentin Wittrock Has Already Told You What He Thinks of Your AR-15. Now It’s Time to Vote.
If you own a gun in Minnesota’s 3rd Congressional District, I need five minutes of your time before August 11.
I’m Tyler Bass. Not the field goal kicker — a hard-working Minnesotan who’s spent time at the range, gone through gun safety courses, carries my permit to carry, and knows exactly what it feels like to send rounds down range with people I trust. I’m one of you. And what I’m about to show you should make every single gun owner in this district furious.
He Wrote It Down. In His Own Words.
Quentin Wittrock, my opponent in this Republican primary, used to run a political blog called Principle Based Politics. Before he decided he wanted your vote, he put his real positions in writing — no filter, no campaign consultant softening the language. Just his own thinking, published for anyone to read.
In a post titled “Federal Gun Control: Applying Principles,” Wittrock argued, in his own words, that the federal government should require background checks on every single gun sale in the country with zero exceptions — and that it should ban the consumer sale of assault weapons, semi-automatic weapons, and their ammunition. This includes the AR-15, AR-10, any pistol that is not a single shot or revolver and shot guns. Which is basically every weapon sold today across America used for home defense.
Read that again. Ban the consumer sale of semi-automatic weapons.
That’s not gun-show talk. That’s not a hypothetical. That’s the AR-15 sitting in your safe right now. That’s the rifle you sighted in at the range this summer. That’s the platform half of us in this district use for home defense, for hunting, for competition shooting, for just enjoying a Saturday putting rounds downrange. Wittrock wants it banned. He said so himself.
He didn’t stop there either. Three days before that post, he wrote a companion piece laying out the philosophical groundwork for exactly this position — walking through the Second Amendment step by step, only to arrive at the conclusion that the federal government should be in the business of deciding which guns you’re allowed to own.
Both posts have since vanished from his website. Funny how that happens right around campaign season. But the internet doesn’t forget, and I’m not going to let Minnesota gun owners get fooled by a scrubbed website. Here they are, archived, word for word, so you can read it with your own eyes:
https://web.archive.org/web/20221001151620/https://principlebasedpolitics.org/federal-gun-control-applying-principles/
https://web.archive.org/web/20221001154116/https://principlebasedpolitics.org/guns-applying-principles-to-the-issues/
Don’t take my word for it. Read them yourself. Then ask yourself if this is who you want representing gun owners in Congress.
Right Now, in St. Paul, This Isn’t Theoretical ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/gun-rights-on-the-ballot at this heading)
While Wittrock was writing blog posts about the “principled” case for banning your rifle, Minnesota Democrats in the House and Senate have been actively pushing legislation to ban the AR-15 and cap magazines at 10 rounds. That’s happening right now, this session, in our state capitol.
So ask yourself this: if Wittrock ends up in Congress, and a federal bill lands on the floor that does exactly what he already said he supports — banning semi-automatic weapons — where do you think he lands? He’s already shown you his answer. He wrote it himself.
I don’t know a single gun owner in this district — not one — who wants a “Republican” nominee who’s on record building the case for gun bans. Not one who thinks a law degree gives someone the right to lecture the rest of us about how much of the Second Amendment we get to keep.
I’m Not a Lawyer. I’m One of You.
I’ve had a job since I was 10 years old, mowing lawns because if I wanted something, I had to earn it. I built a company out of a $250 paycheck, gym equipment, and a website I made myself, after months of walking Rochester in a suit handing out resumes with nobody hiring. I know what it means to fight for something with nothing behind you but your own two hands.
I’ve also put in the time at the range. I’ve gone through the safety courses. I carry, legally, because I believe in the responsibility that comes with the right. That’s not campaign talk — that’s how I actually live. When I say I’ll defend the Second Amendment, it’s because it’s already part of my life, not because a consultant told me to say it.
Quentin Wittrock can write all the “principled” legal arguments he wants about why the federal government should be allowed to take your AR-15. I’m not interested in the legal theory. I’m interested in making sure that when this district sends someone to Congress, it’s someone who will never, under any circumstance, vote to restrict what gun-owning, law-abiding Minnesotans are allowed to own.
Vote Like Your Rights Depend On It — Because They Do ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/gun-rights-on-the-ballot at this heading)
This August 11, gun owners in CD3 have a choice. You can vote for a candidate whose own writing lays out a roadmap for banning your rifle — or you can vote for someone who’s spent time on the range instead of in law books, and who will never trade your rights away for a “principled” argument.
I’m not going to let Minnesota gun owners get steamrolled by a scrubbed website and a law degree. Get out and vote on August 11. Bring your friends from the range. Bring your hunting buddies. Bring everyone who’s ever taken a safety course and earned their permit to carry. This is how we win this district back for people who actually respect the Second Amendment — not just the ones who can write a clever legal justification for chipping away at it.
Tyler Bass. CD3. August 11. Vote like it matters — because it does.
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Rent up 111% since 2013. Wages up 42%. Property taxes climbing every year. I'll fight to get Washington's hand out of your local tax bill.
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Make Minnesota Affordable Again ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)
I want to tell you a story. It starts in 2013 when a young personal trainer packed up his life in Rochester, Minnesota, and moved to the Twin Cities to build something. No safety net, no trust fund — just a dream, a work ethic, and about $3,000 coming in per month from building a fitness business from the ground up.
When I got to the Twin Cities, I found an apartment in Crystal that checked every box a young professional could want. Spacious. Fully updated. Granite countertops, modern appliances, a community pool, an on-site gym, and a beautiful park right across the street. It was the kind of place that made you feel like you were doing something right — like the work was paying off, like the American dream was actually within reach.
I paid $850 a month for that apartment.
That wasn’t a dump. That wasn’t subsidized housing. That was a quality, amenity-rich one-bedroom in a good neighborhood — and it was affordable on an honest income.
Fast forward to 2026. That same apartment — same unit, same building, no meaningful upgrades, no new amenities, no new construction — now rents for $2,000 a month.
That is a 111% increase in thirteen years.
And here’s the part that should make every Minnesotan’s blood boil: our wages didn’t come close to keeping up. Over that same thirteen-year stretch, wages in Minnesota grew by roughly 42%. You don’t need a calculator to see the problem. You just need to look at your bank account at the end of the month and ask yourself where the money went.
This is not an abstract policy debate. This is the lived reality of hundreds of thousands of Minnesotans — and it’s the reason I’m running for Congress as a Republican in the August 11th primary.
The Numbers Don’t Lie — But Politicians Pretend They Don’t Exist ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)
Let me be very direct about the math, because politicians in this state have spent two decades hoping you won’t do it yourself.
In 2013, a single person making $3,000 a month and paying $850 in rent was spending about 28% of their gross income on housing. That’s within the range financial advisors generally consider healthy — the long-standing guideline being that housing should consume no more than 30% of your income.
Today, that same apartment at $2,000 a month would consume 67% of that same $3,000 income. No one can survive that. You cannot eat, drive a car, pay student loans, save for retirement, or build any kind of life while two-thirds of your money disappears into rent before you’ve bought a single grocery.
But wait — wages went up 42%, right? So let’s be generous. Let’s say your income grew proportionally from $3,000 to $4,260 a month over those thirteen years. Now that $2,000 apartment is eating 47% of your check. Still nearly double the healthy threshold. Still mathematically unsustainable.
A 2024 report from the Minnesota Housing Partnership found that nearly half of Minnesota renters are stretching their wallets to cover housing costs, and that Minnesota households now need to earn nearly six figures a year to afford the median-priced home. One housing expert quoted in the report put it bluntly: “You will need almost three full-time jobs to be able to afford a home.”
Three full-time jobs. To live in Minnesota. The same state where, not long ago, a personal trainer just starting out could find a granite apartment for $850 and have enough left over to build a business.
Something went deeply, fundamentally wrong — and it didn’t happen by accident.
The Buying Power Problem: Where Did Our Wages Go?
Here is something I want every working Minnesotan to sit with for a moment.
If we want workers today to have the same real purchasing power that Baby Boomers had in their prime earning years — the ability to buy a home, raise a family, save for the future, and still go out to dinner on Friday night without stress — economists estimate wages would need to be approximately $66 per hour.
Read that again. Sixty-six dollars an hour.
The average hourly wage in Minnesota right now is around $37. That’s not bad by national standards — the Bureau of Labor Statistics found the average Minnesota worker earned $37.58 per hour in 2024, the 8th highest in the country. But it is nowhere close to the purchasing power our parents and grandparents had when they were buying their first homes, raising kids, and building middle-class lives.
The Baby Boomers didn’t have two incomes just to cover rent. They didn’t agonize over whether they could afford eggs and milk at the same time. They bought homes in their twenties. They took vacations. They retired with dignity. That wasn’t luck — it was a functional economy where wages and costs moved together instead of in opposite directions at full sprint.
Minnesota’s own Department of Employment and Economic Development confirmed the problem plainly: “Because inflation was consistently higher than wage growth between mid-2021 to early 2023, the cumulative effect over three years is that inflation is still surpassing wage growth.” Workers were falling behind not because they weren’t working hard enough, but because the system was rigged against them by bad policy.
Today, people are afraid to buy eggs. They are skipping medications. They are choosing between car insurance and groceries. They are living in their parents’ basements at 30 not because they’re lazy but because the math simply does not work.
That is not the Minnesota I moved to. That is not the Minnesota any of us deserve. And it is absolutely, 100% a direct result of the leadership — or lack thereof — in this state and in Washington.
Twenty Years of One-Party Rule: What Do We Have to Show For It?
Minnesota has been controlled by Democrats for the better part of two decades. And I say this not as a partisan attack — I say it as a statement of fact that every Minnesotan should hold up against what they see in their own lives.
In twenty years of Democrat leadership at the state level:
Rent went up 111%. Wages went up 42%. Property taxes have increased dramatically year over year — Minnesota counties and cities are raising property taxes due to rising costs and budget cuts, with those increases stemming directly from state policies, mandates, and cost shifts that leave cities no choice but to pass the burden onto homeowners and businesses.
In one real Minnesota story, a man named Harlan Olson saw the assessed value of his property jump $50,000 in a single year — his property had gone from a purchase price of about $30,000 to a county valuation of over $238,000 in just five years — with no renovations and no changes. His property tax bill went up $1,000 in a single year. That’s not a fluke — that’s a pattern playing out in every county in this state.
A Minnesota Chamber of Commerce report showed the state slipping in national economic rankings — ranking 33rd in GDP growth, 39th in job growth, 40th in labor force growth, and 46th in median household income growth between 2019 and 2024. Nearly 48,000 residents left the state between 2020 and 2024.
And who’s leaving? Not just retirees heading to Florida for the sunshine. Since 2019, Minnesota has lost a net 47,865 residents to other parts of the United States — and the state loses around 8,000 more 18- to 24-year-olds each year than it gains. Between 2006 and 2021, Minnesota had a net loss of 156,000 people in the prime 18-to-24 age range.
Our young people are leaving. The people who should be buying homes, starting businesses, building communities — they’re going to Texas, Tennessee, Florida, Arizona. States where the cost of living is lower, the regulatory burden is lighter, and your paycheck actually stretches into something resembling a life.
IRS migration data shows that Minnesota lost residents in every income category above $25,000 annually. The state is gaining lower-income residents while hemorrhaging its middle and upper-middle class — the very taxpayers who fund the services everyone depends on.
I’ve talked to Minnesotans all across the metro who say the same thing: “If we don’t get new leadership in this state, we’re going to move.” They’re not complaining. They’re describing rational economic decision-making. When your rent consumes half your paycheck and your wages haven’t kept pace and your property taxes go up every year regardless of what you do — at some point, you vote with your feet.
The Democrats have had their chance. Twenty years. And the result is a state where ordinary working people can barely afford to stay.
The Federal Reserve, Property Taxes, and the Hidden Tax on the American Dream ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)
Let me tell you something that most people don’t fully understand — and that the political establishment in both parties would rather you not think too hard about.
The Federal Reserve’s decisions on interest rates don’t just affect Wall Street. They don’t just affect big banks and hedge funds. They flow directly into your monthly rent, your property tax assessment, and your ability to buy a home.
Here’s how it works: when the Federal Reserve raises interest rates, mortgage rates go up. When mortgage rates go up, fewer people can qualify to buy homes. When fewer people buy homes, demand for rentals increases. When rental demand increases, landlords raise rents. And when property values get reassessed in a distorted market driven by Fed policy rather than real local economic conditions, your property tax bill goes up too — regardless of whether you renovated a single thing or whether your actual income changed at all.
This is not a conspiracy. This is basic cause and effect — and it’s why I believe we need to fundamentally rethink the relationship between federal monetary policy and local housing costs.
Consider what happened in real time over the last decade. During President Trump’s first term, interest rates were competitive and manageable. By the third quarter of 2020, with mortgage rates dropping to 3.01%, there was a record number of first-time homebuyers — 2.55 million on an annualized basis, the fastest pace ever recorded. People were buying homes. Young families were getting their first piece of the American dream. The market was moving.
Then the Biden administration took office, and the dynamic reversed almost immediately. Inflation exploded. The Federal Reserve, responding to years of excessive spending and money printing, began raising interest rates aggressively. By 2024, the share of homes purchased by first-time buyers had dropped to 21% — an all-time low in data going back to 1981. It was 33% six years earlier. The median age of a first-time homebuyer climbed to 40, up from 33 in 2019.
Think about that. In six years, the typical first-time homebuyer went from 33 years old to 40 years old. An entire decade of wealth-building — gone. An entire generation of Americans delayed from the single most powerful wealth-creation tool available to ordinary people: owning their home.
That’s not a coincidence. That’s policy. That’s what happens when the federal government prints money without discipline, drives inflation, then jacks up rates to fight the inflation it created — and leaves regular working Americans to absorb every bit of the pain.
Now that President Trump is back in the White House, we’re beginning to see rates inch back down. The average 30-year fixed mortgage rate is currently near 6%, among the lowest in recent years, driven in part by the administration’s efforts to support mortgage bond markets. That’s progress. But it’s not enough, and it’s not permanent enough, as long as the structural relationship between federal monetary policy and local housing costs remains unchanged.
I want to go further. I want to remove the federal hand from the equation as it relates to local property taxes. Minnesotans should not be paying higher property taxes because of decisions made in Washington boardrooms and Federal Reserve meetings. The value of your home in Crystal or Brooklyn Park or Shakopee should be determined by your local market and your community — not by the Fed’s rate decisions and the ripple effects that flow down to your tax assessment.
Right now, when the Fed raises rates and the housing market tightens, local governments still need their revenue — so they raise property tax rates and reassess values upward to compensate. The homeowner, who had nothing to do with any of those federal decisions, ends up paying more. Every year. With no end in sight.
That has to stop. And I intend to fight for it.
Our Kids Are Being Priced Out of the Future ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)
I want to talk about something that doesn’t get enough attention in this debate: what this housing crisis means for the next generation.
If you are 22 years old in Minnesota today, here is your reality. You’re entering a job market where wages have grown 42% over thirteen years — but the cost of a decent apartment has grown 111%. You likely have student loan debt. The median age of a first-time homebuyer is now 40 years old. That means, statistically, you are looking at nearly two decades of renting — and two decades of your rent money building someone else’s equity instead of your own.
If you do manage to save for a down payment, the median home price in Minnesota is now around $316,000. With an average property tax rate of 1.05% of assessed value, you’re looking at well over $3,000 per year in property taxes alone on a median home — before you’ve paid a dollar of your mortgage, insurance, or maintenance.
And the home prices keep climbing. The property taxes keep climbing. The wages are not climbing fast enough to meet them.
At the current pace, buying a home and paying it off in full will be a lifelong goal for today’s young adults — not a milestone in their late twenties or early thirties like it was for their parents and grandparents. Some will never achieve it at all. And that matters not just for their individual financial security, but for the entire fabric of communities.
Homeowners are invested in their neighborhoods. They fix things up. They show up to school board meetings. They plant gardens. They know their neighbors. When homeownership becomes inaccessible to a whole generation, you don’t just lose an economic statistic — you lose the community bonds that hold towns and cities together.
Minnesota’s state demographer has warned that if current trends hold, within 20 years the state will have more residents dying each year than are born, and that the state is losing around 8,000 more young adults aged 18 to 24 annually than it gains.
That is a demographic and economic catastrophe in slow motion. And it is being driven, at least in part, by a housing market that prices young people out before they ever get a chance to plant roots.
The Democrats’ answer to this is more government programs. More subsidized housing. More bureaucratic intervention. More of the same policies that created this problem in the first place, just with different acronyms and press releases.
I reject that. Completely.
The answer is not more government. The answer is getting government out of the way. Reduce the regulatory burden that inflates the cost of new construction. Restructure the relationship between federal monetary policy and local property taxes. Create conditions where wages can actually rise to meet the cost of living — not by mandate, but by growing an economy where workers have real options and real leverage.
That is how Baby Boomers built wealth. Not through government programs. Through a functional market where their hard work translated into real economic power.
What I Believe — And What I Will Fight For ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)
I came to the Twin Cities in 2013 with three thousand dollars a month, a personal training certification, and the conviction that if I worked hard enough, Minnesota would reward me. And for a while, it did. I built a company. I built a life. I watched this state and this metro area change in ways that make me proud — and in ways that make me genuinely worried about what we’re leaving for the people who come after us.
I am a job creator. I am a general contractor. I am a small business owner who has watched the cost of doing business in this state climb and climb while the returns get harder to find. I am a Republican because I believe in the power of free markets, personal responsibility, and limited government to create more opportunity for more people than any government program ever has or ever will.
I am running for Congress because the people I work with — the tradespeople, the young families, the renters, the homeowners getting crushed by property tax assessments — deserve a voice in Washington that actually understands what their lives look like.
Here is what I will fight for:
Removing federal interference from local property tax structures. Your property tax bill should reflect the value of your home in your community — not the downstream effects of Fed rate decisions and Washington spending binges.
Making homeownership accessible to the next generation. That means pushing for policies that bring mortgage rates down, increase housing supply, reduce the regulatory burden on construction, and give young Minnesotans a realistic path to owning their first home before they turn 40.
Tying economic policy to real wage growth. We should not be in a situation where the headline unemployment numbers look fine while workers can’t afford eggs and milk. Real prosperity means wages that keep up with costs — not just for the top earners, but for the personal trainers, the roofers, the restaurant workers, the factory workers, and the teachers.
Holding the line against socialism. Every time the Democrats propose a new government housing program, a new rental subsidy, a new bureaucratic fix — ask yourself: how has that worked for the last twenty years? Your rent is $2,000. Your wages went up 42%. The answer is it hasn’t worked. It won’t work. The only thing that makes housing affordable in the long run is more supply, less regulation, and an economy where workers actually have power.
Minnesota deserves better than what it’s gotten. The people who built this state — the immigrants who came here to work, the farmers who broke the soil, the union trades who built our skylines, the small business owners who opened doors before anyone else showed up — they came here because opportunity was real and the work paid off.
That contract has been broken. And I intend to fight like hell to restore it.
Vote August 11th — Republican Primary ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)
This is not just a campaign. It is a statement that Minnesotans are done accepting less than they deserve. That we are done watching our kids move to other states. That we are done paying $2,000 a month for the same apartment we paid $850 for thirteen years ago. That we are done watching our wages fall further and further behind while the political class in St. Paul congratulates itself.
I started with nothing and built something, right here in the Twin Cities. I know what it takes to make this state work for regular people, because I am one.
On August 11th, vote for real change.
Vote to make Minnesota affordable again.
Vote Bass for Congress.
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Who Stands for Lizbeth Medina?
Lizbeth Medina was 16, a cheerleader at Edna High School in Texas. In December 2023 she was supposed to perform in her town’s Christmas parade, but she never showed up. Her mother, Jacqueline, went home to look for her and found her in the bathtub. Lizbeth had been stabbed 25 times, as President Trump described it in his State of the Union address. She was Jacqueline’s only child.
Her killer, Rafael Romero, was in this country unlawfully. According to DHS, he had an expired visa and was subject to an ICE detainer. In September 2025 he pleaded guilty and received two life sentences. Nothing brings Lizbeth back, but her family was owed that much.
In February, Jacqueline Medina sat in the House gallery. The president told Congress her daughter’s story is why we are deporting criminal illegal aliens in record numbers. Then he said: “The first duty of the American government is to protect American citizens, not illegal aliens.” He asked every member of Congress who agreed to stand. Republicans stood. Democrats stayed seated. Kelly Morrison was one of them.
That is not a hard sentence to stand for. It’s the oldest job government has. Lizbeth Medina is one of many citizens who died because that duty wasn’t met, and a congresswoman who stays in her seat when it’s read aloud is telling you where her priorities are.
I’m a small business owner. I’ve talked with people who came here illegally, and what they tell me isn’t what you hear on cable news. They aren’t afraid of ICE. They’re afraid of the cartels. They paid smugglers to get across, and they say every crossing costs money. If you don’t pay, you pay another way. Once you pay, the path to the Twin Cities, or anywhere else in the country, is open. Most of them arrived with nothing, so they work to pay off the debt. That is a system built on exploitation, and an unsecured border feeds it.
Congresswoman Morrison says “we cannot give one more penny to ICE,” and she says “ICE out of Minnesota.” ICE agents do one of the toughest jobs in the country, and she wants them off our streets.
Look at where else her attention goes. Morrison made over a hundred stock trades while in Congress, filed some of those disclosures late in violation of the STOCK Act, and bought into a defense technology company shortly after the U.S. entered the Iran conflict. She only announced she would divest once the story broke. She voted against the Stop Insider Trading Act. Voters can decide what that says about whose interests come first.
She’s an OB-GYN, someone who has spent a career around the start of life. You would expect that to carry over to a mother who lost her only child, and to a family still waiting for their country to put them first.
I believe in secure borders and in enforcing the laws already on the books. The angel moms deserve a Congress that stands for their children without hesitation. When I’m in Washington, I will stand.
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Here’s where I stand, and I’m not going to hide behind vague language about “bringing competition back to healthcare” the way some candidates in this race do without ever explaining what that actually means in practice.
First: bring back fully underwritten individual policies.
Let people who are healthy pay less. Let insurance actually function like insurance again, where your premium reflects your real risk instead of an artificial average that punishes healthy people to subsidize a pool that never stops growing sicker on paper. This isn’t about kicking anyone off coverage — there are ways to structure high-risk pools and subsidized options for people with serious pre-existing conditions, the same way many states did before the ACA, without forcing every healthy person in the individual market to eat the cost of everyone else’s risk.
If you take care of yourself — you don’t smoke, you stay active, you manage your weight, you don’t have chronic conditions — you should see that reflected in a lower premium. Right now, there is zero financial incentive built into the individual health insurance market to take care of your own health. You pay the same either way. That’s backwards, and it’s costing healthy, hardworking Minnesotans thousands of dollars a year to subsidize a system that gives them nothing back for staying healthy.
Second: move toward a national group-style model instead of leaving every household to fend for itself.
Think about why the teacher I mentioned pays $30 a month. It’s not magic — it’s the power of a massive, stable risk pool combined with negotiated group rates. There’s no reason that same logic can’t be extended further. I want to see serious policy work done at the federal level toward making group-style coverage more accessible outside of traditional single-employer plans — through association health plans, expanded small-business pooling, and interstate group options that let individuals and small businesses buy into large, stable risk pools instead of getting stuck alone on the individual market with sky-high premiums and a $5,000 deductible they’ll never come close to using in a normal year.
Right now we have a system where being a public-sector union employee gets you a $30-a-month plan with no deductible, and being a small business owner or a self-employed tradesman gets you $500 a month and $5,000 out of pocket before you see a dollar of coverage. That gap is not a law of nature. It’s a policy choice, and it’s one that’s been allowed to stand for far too long while politicians in Washington talk in circles instead of fixing it.
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$850 to $2,000 a Month — And Nothing Changed But the Price: Why Minnesota’s Housing Crisis Is a Leadership Crisis
I want to tell you a story. It starts in 2013 when a young personal trainer packed up his life in Rochester, Minnesota, and moved to the Twin Cities to build something. No safety net, no trust fund — just a dream, a work ethic, and about $3,000 coming in per month from building a fitness business from the ground up.
When I got to the Twin Cities, I found an apartment in Crystal that checked every box a young professional could want. Spacious. Fully updated. Granite countertops, modern appliances, a community pool, an on-site gym, and a beautiful park right across the street. It was the kind of place that made you feel like you were doing something right — like the work was paying off, like the American dream was actually within reach.
I paid $850 a month for that apartment.
That wasn’t a dump. That wasn’t subsidized housing. That was a quality, amenity-rich one-bedroom in a good neighborhood — and it was affordable on an honest income.
Fast forward to 2026. That same apartment — same unit, same building, no meaningful upgrades, no new amenities, no new construction — now rents for $2,000 a month.
That is a 111% increase in thirteen years.
And here’s the part that should make every Minnesotan’s blood boil: our wages didn’t come close to keeping up. Over that same thirteen-year stretch, wages in Minnesota grew by roughly 42%. You don’t need a calculator to see the problem. You just need to look at your bank account at the end of the month and ask yourself where the money went.
This is not an abstract policy debate. This is the lived reality of hundreds of thousands of Minnesotans — and it’s the reason I’m running for Congress as a Republican in the August 11th primary.
The Numbers Don’t Lie — But Politicians Pretend They Don’t Exist ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)
Let me be very direct about the math, because politicians in this state have spent two decades hoping you won’t do it yourself.
In 2013, a single person making $3,000 a month and paying $850 in rent was spending about 28% of their gross income on housing. That’s within the range financial advisors generally consider healthy — the long-standing guideline being that housing should consume no more than 30% of your income.
Today, that same apartment at $2,000 a month would consume 67% of that same $3,000 income. No one can survive that. You cannot eat, drive a car, pay student loans, save for retirement, or build any kind of life while two-thirds of your money disappears into rent before you’ve bought a single grocery.
But wait — wages went up 42%, right? So let’s be generous. Let’s say your income grew proportionally from $3,000 to $4,260 a month over those thirteen years. Now that $2,000 apartment is eating 47% of your check. Still nearly double the healthy threshold. Still mathematically unsustainable.
A 2024 report from the Minnesota Housing Partnership found that nearly half of Minnesota renters are stretching their wallets to cover housing costs, and that Minnesota households now need to earn nearly six figures a year to afford the median-priced home. One housing expert quoted in the report put it bluntly: “You will need almost three full-time jobs to be able to afford a home.”
Three full-time jobs. To live in Minnesota. The same state where, not long ago, a personal trainer just starting out could find a granite apartment for $850 and have enough left over to build a business.
Something went deeply, fundamentally wrong — and it didn’t happen by accident.
The Buying Power Problem: Where Did Our Wages Go?
Here is something I want every working Minnesotan to sit with for a moment.
If we want workers today to have the same real purchasing power that Baby Boomers had in their prime earning years — the ability to buy a home, raise a family, save for the future, and still go out to dinner on Friday night without stress — economists estimate wages would need to be approximately $66 per hour.
Read that again. Sixty-six dollars an hour.
The average hourly wage in Minnesota right now is around $37. That’s not bad by national standards — the Bureau of Labor Statistics found the average Minnesota worker earned $37.58 per hour in 2024, the 8th highest in the country. But it is nowhere close to the purchasing power our parents and grandparents had when they were buying their first homes, raising kids, and building middle-class lives.
The Baby Boomers didn’t have two incomes just to cover rent. They didn’t agonize over whether they could afford eggs and milk at the same time. They bought homes in their twenties. They took vacations. They retired with dignity. That wasn’t luck — it was a functional economy where wages and costs moved together instead of in opposite directions at full sprint.
Minnesota’s own Department of Employment and Economic Development confirmed the problem plainly: “Because inflation was consistently higher than wage growth between mid-2021 to early 2023, the cumulative effect over three years is that inflation is still surpassing wage growth.” Workers were falling behind not because they weren’t working hard enough, but because the system was rigged against them by bad policy.
Today, people are afraid to buy eggs. They are skipping medications. They are choosing between car insurance and groceries. They are living in their parents’ basements at 30 not because they’re lazy but because the math simply does not work.
That is not the Minnesota I moved to. That is not the Minnesota any of us deserve. And it is absolutely, 100% a direct result of the leadership — or lack thereof — in this state and in Washington.
Twenty Years of One-Party Rule: What Do We Have to Show For It?
Minnesota has been controlled by Democrats for the better part of two decades. And I say this not as a partisan attack — I say it as a statement of fact that every Minnesotan should hold up against what they see in their own lives.
In twenty years of Democrat leadership at the state level:
Rent went up 111%. Wages went up 42%. Property taxes have increased dramatically year over year — Minnesota counties and cities are raising property taxes due to rising costs and budget cuts, with those increases stemming directly from state policies, mandates, and cost shifts that leave cities no choice but to pass the burden onto homeowners and businesses.
In one real Minnesota story, a man named Harlan Olson saw the assessed value of his property jump $50,000 in a single year — his property had gone from a purchase price of about $30,000 to a county valuation of over $238,000 in just five years — with no renovations and no changes. His property tax bill went up $1,000 in a single year. That’s not a fluke — that’s a pattern playing out in every county in this state.
A Minnesota Chamber of Commerce report showed the state slipping in national economic rankings — ranking 33rd in GDP growth, 39th in job growth, 40th in labor force growth, and 46th in median household income growth between 2019 and 2024. Nearly 48,000 residents left the state between 2020 and 2024.
And who’s leaving? Not just retirees heading to Florida for the sunshine. Since 2019, Minnesota has lost a net 47,865 residents to other parts of the United States — and the state loses around 8,000 more 18- to 24-year-olds each year than it gains. Between 2006 and 2021, Minnesota had a net loss of 156,000 people in the prime 18-to-24 age range.
Our young people are leaving. The people who should be buying homes, starting businesses, building communities — they’re going to Texas, Tennessee, Florida, Arizona. States where the cost of living is lower, the regulatory burden is lighter, and your paycheck actually stretches into something resembling a life.
IRS migration data shows that Minnesota lost residents in every income category above $25,000 annually. The state is gaining lower-income residents while hemorrhaging its middle and upper-middle class — the very taxpayers who fund the services everyone depends on.
I’ve talked to Minnesotans all across the metro who say the same thing: “If we don’t get new leadership in this state, we’re going to move.” They’re not complaining. They’re describing rational economic decision-making. When your rent consumes half your paycheck and your wages haven’t kept pace and your property taxes go up every year regardless of what you do — at some point, you vote with your feet.
The Democrats have had their chance. Twenty years. And the result is a state where ordinary working people can barely afford to stay.
The Federal Reserve, Property Taxes, and the Hidden Tax on the American Dream ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)
Let me tell you something that most people don’t fully understand — and that the political establishment in both parties would rather you not think too hard about.
The Federal Reserve’s decisions on interest rates don’t just affect Wall Street. They don’t just affect big banks and hedge funds. They flow directly into your monthly rent, your property tax assessment, and your ability to buy a home.
Here’s how it works: when the Federal Reserve raises interest rates, mortgage rates go up. When mortgage rates go up, fewer people can qualify to buy homes. When fewer people buy homes, demand for rentals increases. When rental demand increases, landlords raise rents. And when property values get reassessed in a distorted market driven by Fed policy rather than real local economic conditions, your property tax bill goes up too — regardless of whether you renovated a single thing or whether your actual income changed at all.
This is not a conspiracy. This is basic cause and effect — and it’s why I believe we need to fundamentally rethink the relationship between federal monetary policy and local housing costs.
Consider what happened in real time over the last decade. During President Trump’s first term, interest rates were competitive and manageable. By the third quarter of 2020, with mortgage rates dropping to 3.01%, there was a record number of first-time homebuyers — 2.55 million on an annualized basis, the fastest pace ever recorded. People were buying homes. Young families were getting their first piece of the American dream. The market was moving.
Then the Biden administration took office, and the dynamic reversed almost immediately. Inflation exploded. The Federal Reserve, responding to years of excessive spending and money printing, began raising interest rates aggressively. By 2024, the share of homes purchased by first-time buyers had dropped to 21% — an all-time low in data going back to 1981. It was 33% six years earlier. The median age of a first-time homebuyer climbed to 40, up from 33 in 2019.
Think about that. In six years, the typical first-time homebuyer went from 33 years old to 40 years old. An entire decade of wealth-building — gone. An entire generation of Americans delayed from the single most powerful wealth-creation tool available to ordinary people: owning their home.
That’s not a coincidence. That’s policy. That’s what happens when the federal government prints money without discipline, drives inflation, then jacks up rates to fight the inflation it created — and leaves regular working Americans to absorb every bit of the pain.
Now that President Trump is back in the White House, we’re beginning to see rates inch back down. The average 30-year fixed mortgage rate is currently near 6%, among the lowest in recent years, driven in part by the administration’s efforts to support mortgage bond markets. That’s progress. But it’s not enough, and it’s not permanent enough, as long as the structural relationship between federal monetary policy and local housing costs remains unchanged.
I want to go further. I want to remove the federal hand from the equation as it relates to local property taxes. Minnesotans should not be paying higher property taxes because of decisions made in Washington boardrooms and Federal Reserve meetings. The value of your home in Crystal or Brooklyn Park or Shakopee should be determined by your local market and your community — not by the Fed’s rate decisions and the ripple effects that flow down to your tax assessment.
Right now, when the Fed raises rates and the housing market tightens, local governments still need their revenue — so they raise property tax rates and reassess values upward to compensate. The homeowner, who had nothing to do with any of those federal decisions, ends up paying more. Every year. With no end in sight.
That has to stop. And I intend to fight for it.
Our Kids Are Being Priced Out of the Future ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)
I want to talk about something that doesn’t get enough attention in this debate: what this housing crisis means for the next generation.
If you are 22 years old in Minnesota today, here is your reality. You’re entering a job market where wages have grown 42% over thirteen years — but the cost of a decent apartment has grown 111%. You likely have student loan debt. The median age of a first-time homebuyer is now 40 years old. That means, statistically, you are looking at nearly two decades of renting — and two decades of your rent money building someone else’s equity instead of your own.
If you do manage to save for a down payment, the median home price in Minnesota is now around $316,000. With an average property tax rate of 1.05% of assessed value, you’re looking at well over $3,000 per year in property taxes alone on a median home — before you’ve paid a dollar of your mortgage, insurance, or maintenance.
And the home prices keep climbing. The property taxes keep climbing. The wages are not climbing fast enough to meet them.
At the current pace, buying a home and paying it off in full will be a lifelong goal for today’s young adults — not a milestone in their late twenties or early thirties like it was for their parents and grandparents. Some will never achieve it at all. And that matters not just for their individual financial security, but for the entire fabric of communities.
Homeowners are invested in their neighborhoods. They fix things up. They show up to school board meetings. They plant gardens. They know their neighbors. When homeownership becomes inaccessible to a whole generation, you don’t just lose an economic statistic — you lose the community bonds that hold towns and cities together.
Minnesota’s state demographer has warned that if current trends hold, within 20 years the state will have more residents dying each year than are born, and that the state is losing around 8,000 more young adults aged 18 to 24 annually than it gains.
That is a demographic and economic catastrophe in slow motion. And it is being driven, at least in part, by a housing market that prices young people out before they ever get a chance to plant roots.
The Democrats’ answer to this is more government programs. More subsidized housing. More bureaucratic intervention. More of the same policies that created this problem in the first place, just with different acronyms and press releases.
I reject that. Completely.
The answer is not more government. The answer is getting government out of the way. Reduce the regulatory burden that inflates the cost of new construction. Restructure the relationship between federal monetary policy and local property taxes. Create conditions where wages can actually rise to meet the cost of living — not by mandate, but by growing an economy where workers have real options and real leverage.
That is how Baby Boomers built wealth. Not through government programs. Through a functional market where their hard work translated into real economic power.
What I Believe — And What I Will Fight For ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)
I came to the Twin Cities in 2013 with three thousand dollars a month, a personal training certification, and the conviction that if I worked hard enough, Minnesota would reward me. And for a while, it did. I built a company. I built a life. I watched this state and this metro area change in ways that make me proud — and in ways that make me genuinely worried about what we’re leaving for the people who come after us.
I am a job creator. I am a general contractor. I am a small business owner who has watched the cost of doing business in this state climb and climb while the returns get harder to find. I am a Republican because I believe in the power of free markets, personal responsibility, and limited government to create more opportunity for more people than any government program ever has or ever will.
I am running for Congress because the people I work with — the tradespeople, the young families, the renters, the homeowners getting crushed by property tax assessments — deserve a voice in Washington that actually understands what their lives look like.
Here is what I will fight for:
Removing federal interference from local property tax structures. Your property tax bill should reflect the value of your home in your community — not the downstream effects of Fed rate decisions and Washington spending binges.
Making homeownership accessible to the next generation. That means pushing for policies that bring mortgage rates down, increase housing supply, reduce the regulatory burden on construction, and give young Minnesotans a realistic path to owning their first home before they turn 40.
Tying economic policy to real wage growth. We should not be in a situation where the headline unemployment numbers look fine while workers can’t afford eggs and milk. Real prosperity means wages that keep up with costs — not just for the top earners, but for the personal trainers, the roofers, the restaurant workers, the factory workers, and the teachers.
Holding the line against socialism. Every time the Democrats propose a new government housing program, a new rental subsidy, a new bureaucratic fix — ask yourself: how has that worked for the last twenty years? Your rent is $2,000. Your wages went up 42%. The answer is it hasn’t worked. It won’t work. The only thing that makes housing affordable in the long run is more supply, less regulation, and an economy where workers actually have power.
Minnesota deserves better than what it’s gotten. The people who built this state — the immigrants who came here to work, the farmers who broke the soil, the union trades who built our skylines, the small business owners who opened doors before anyone else showed up — they came here because opportunity was real and the work paid off.
That contract has been broken. And I intend to fight like hell to restore it.
Vote August 11th — Republican Primary ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)
This is not just a campaign. It is a statement that Minnesotans are done accepting less than they deserve. That we are done watching our kids move to other states. That we are done paying $2,000 a month for the same apartment we paid $850 for thirteen years ago. That we are done watching our wages fall further and further behind while the political class in St. Paul congratulates itself.
I started with nothing and built something, right here in the Twin Cities. I know what it takes to make this state work for regular people, because I am one.
On August 11th, vote for real change.
Vote to make Minnesota affordable again.
Vote Bass for Congress.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again

Heading as listed on bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)

Setting aside his voting record and the convention situation — let’s talk about what Quentin actually believes, because his policy positions are about as far from the Republican mainstream as you can get while still calling yourself a Republican.
On immigration: Quentin supports open borders and wants to expand the H1B visa program. In a congressional district where working-class Minnesotans are already struggling to find good-paying jobs in construction, manufacturing, and the trades, his answer is to bring in more foreign workers to compete for those jobs.
I’ve written at length about the immigration crisis in this district — the cartel pipeline that runs through our labor market, the way undocumented workers are being exploited in roofing crews and restaurant kitchens, the impact on wages and job availability for American workers. Quentin’s position on immigration is not a Republican position. It’s not even a moderate position. It’s a position that benefits employers who want cheap labor at the expense of the workers those employers are supposed to be serving.
On the working people of CD3: Let me tell you what Quentin said in front of an audience that included working-class Republican voters. He bragged — openly and without apparent self-awareness — about making $600 per hour as a lawyer.
Six hundred dollars an hour.
I want you to hold that number next to the reality of the people I talk to every day in this district. The roofer trying to survive on wages that haven’t kept pace with a 111% increase in rent over thirteen years. The factory worker who can’t afford the mortgage on a house his father bought at thirty. The personal trainer — like me, thirteen years ago — scraping together $3,000 a month and hoping it’s enough to stay in the Twin Cities.
Quentin Wittrock brags about making $600 an hour to those same people and expects their votes.
That tells you everything you need to know about whose side he’s on.
I am a business owner. I have built multiple companies. I have made payroll. I have hired workers, trained them, grown them, and invested in their futures. I understand what it means to be responsible not just for your own livelihood but for the people who depend on you. I am one of you.
Quentin Wittrock is not one of you. He is a high-billing attorney who has never had to worry about whether his rent went up or whether he could afford groceries this month. And his policy positions reflect exactly that distance from the reality most CD3 residents live every day.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · bassforcongress.com/no-more-rinos

Heading as listed on bassforcongress.com/no-more-rinos ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/no-more-rinos at this heading)

Nearly a billion dollars has walked out the door of Minnesota’s autism, disability, and adult day-care programs — while the people running those programs collect government checks the size of a small business loan, with none of the accountability a real loan would require. Kelly Morrison hasn’t offered a plan. I have.
MORRISON: NO PLAN ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)
BASS : RESOLUTION ATTACHED
Kelly Morrison has gone silent on Minnesota fraud ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)
Minnesota has become a national case study in taxpayer-funded fraud — fake autism centers, ghost day-care rosters, “nonprofits” run like personal ATMs. It’s happening in CD3, in our own backyard. And the sitting congresswoman for this district has offered exactly one thing: silence.
I’ve knocked on doors across this district. I’ve asked voters directly: what has Kelly Morrison said about fixing the fraud? The answer is always the same — nothing. No press release. No bill. No town hall dedicated to it. No plan for what she would actually do in Washington to shut off the federal pipeline that keeps funding it.
What Morrison has offered ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)
No proposed legislation addressing Minnesota’s Medicaid/DHS fraud crisis
No public accountability plan for CD3 providers under investigation
No answer for constituents asking where their tax dollars are going
What voters actually need ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)
Underwriting standards before a dollar of taxpayer money goes out
A resolution tying funding to years of proven, profitable operation
An investigative team with teeth, working CD3 cases directly
Why I Understand This ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)
I BUILT A BUSINESS HELPING KIDS AND ADULTS WITH SPECIAL NEEDS -- WITHOUT TAKING A DIME OF TAXPAYER MONEY
For years I ran At Home Fitness, a program built for kids who came home from school and sat on the couch. Parents hired me directly to run their children through structured, accountable workout programs — something like a Big Brother Big Sister model, but built around fitness and consistency. I worked with kids and adults on Developmental Disability (DD) waivers, and I was paid through providers like ACCRA in Minnesota for that work.
I built that business the way any small business owner has to: I ran Google ads, built a business listing so people could actually find me, and reinvested every dollar I brought in back into marketing and keeping the lights on. If I didn’t perform, I didn’t get paid. If I didn’t bring in customers, there was no fallback check waiting for me at the end of the month.
That’s the difference. I didn’t get a grant. I earned it, contract by contract, family by family, two years at a time — and I learned exactly what it takes to run a business that serves this population honestly. That experience is exactly why I know how to spot the ones that aren’t.
MY PLAN: TREAT TAXPAYER FUNDING LIKE A BUSINESS LOAN, NOT A BLANK CHECK ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)
This isn’t complicated. It’s how every small business owner in CD3 already has to operate. If you want to run a program serving kids or adults with special needs and receive federal or state dollars to do it, you should have to prove you can run it — the same way a bank makes you prove it before handing you a loan.
TWO YEARS OF TAX RETURNS OR TWO YEARS OF PROVEN OPERATION.
Before any organization receives taxpayer funding, it must show two years of tax returns demonstrating it can run the business at a profit — or two years of documented, self-funded operation actually serving the population it claims to serve. No returns, no track record, no funding.
FULL UNDERWRITING JUST LIKE A LOAN ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)
Credit history, a real physical location, an actual customer or client roster — verified, not self-reported. If a bank wouldn’t lend you the money on these numbers, the taxpayers shouldn’t either.
FUNDING CAPPED TO MATCH REAL, VERIFIED REVENUE ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)
No more organizations pulling in $1.2 million a year with a padded $1.3 million “expense budget” built to manufacture a loss. Funding should scale with what an organization has actually and verifiably earned — not what it claims it needs.
SURPRISE SITE VISITS, EVERY TIME ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)
If a program is billing for children or adults who are supposedly on-site, there need to be kids and adults on-site when an inspector walks in. Not an empty building. Not a locked office. Not a excuse.
A DEDICATED FRAUD INVESTIGATION TEAM FOR CD3 UNDER MY WATCH ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)
I will build a team focused specifically on this district — working with MN DHS’s Office of Inspector General and the Attorney General’s Medicaid Fraud Control Unit — to identify providers who are billing for services they aren’t delivering, and refer them for enforcement.
Kelly Morrison's own record raises the exact same questions ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)
While Minnesota families wait for a plan on fraud, here’s what the public record shows about the person currently representing this district:
Kelly Morrison’s estimated net worth places her among the wealthiest members of Congress — the 34th highest, according to financial disclosure tracking.
Morrison purchased an ownership stake in a defense contractor building autonomous naval attack vessels — a trade a government watchdog called a “pretty clear conflict of interest” for a sitting member of Congress with influence over defense-related votes.
Morrison was one of 159 House Democrats who voted against the Laken Riley Act, legislation requiring federal detention of undocumented immigrants accused of theft and violent crimes.
After scrutiny from the Minnesota Star Tribune, Morrison announced she would divest her individual stock holdings. That’s a step. It’s not a fraud plan for CD3 — and it doesn’t answer the question families in this district are actually asking: what is she doing to stop taxpayer money from being stolen right here at home?
MY TEAM WILL INVESTIGATE THE FRAUD IN CD3 DIRECTLY ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)
This isn’t a talking point. It’s a commitment. My team of fraud investigators will work CD3 cases the same way I ran my own business — checking the paperwork, checking the location, and checking whether the people who are supposed to be getting help are actually there.
RECORDS & FILINGS ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)
Pulling licensing records, MGDPA data requests, and DHS filings on CD3 providers to flag mismatches between what’s billed and what’s delivered.
BOOTS ON THE GROUND ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)
Unannounced visits to programs receiving taxpayer funds — the same way any customer or inspector should be able to walk in and see the service actually happening.
DIRECT REERRALS ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)
MINNESOTA DESERVES A CONGRESSMAN WHO'S ACTUALLY RUN A BUSINESS -- NOT ONE WHO'S SILENT ON WHERE YOUR TAX DOLLARS GO.
I built companies from nothing. I know what it takes to earn a dollar honestly. In Congress, I’ll make sure taxpayer money is earned the same way — or it doesn’t go out the door.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud

Heading as listed on bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)

Tyler Bass

SummaryAt a glance

Their wordsWhat does Bass say they will do?

1Priority 1: 2nd Amendment 1 part

Gun Rights On The Ballot ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/gun-rights-on-the-ballot at this heading)

Right Now, in St. Paul, This Isn’t Theoretical ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/gun-rights-on-the-ballot at this heading)

Vote Like Your Rights Depend On It — Because They Do ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/gun-rights-on-the-ballot at this heading)

1.1Priority 1.1: Immigration Heading only

2Priority 2: Illegal Is Illegal. No Exceptions. 1 part

2.1Priority 2.1: Jobs & H-1B Reform Heading only

3Priority 3: American Workers, First. Period. 1 statement

4Priority 4: Property Taxes 1 part

Make Minnesota Affordable Again ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)

The Numbers Don’t Lie — But Politicians Pretend They Don’t Exist ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)

The Federal Reserve, Property Taxes, and the Hidden Tax on the American Dream ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)

Our Kids Are Being Priced Out of the Future ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)

What I Believe — And What I Will Fight For ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)

Vote August 11th — Republican Primary ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)

4.1Priority 4.1: Healthcare Heading only

5Priority 5: I Was Licensed To Sell This. I Know The Game. Accountability Heading only

6Priority 6: Verify Everything, Whoever Wins 2 statements

Why I Support the SAVE American Act ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/voter-id at this heading)

7Priority 7: Americans Should Always Come First 10 statements

8Priority 8: I Sold Health Insurance For A Living. Here’s Why Your Premium Is Broken — And How I’d Fix It. My Proposal: Bring Back Real Underwriting, and Build Toward a National Group Model 7 statements

9Priority 9: Make Minnesota Affordable Again 75 statements

The Numbers Don’t Lie — But Politicians Pretend They Don’t Exist ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)

The Federal Reserve, Property Taxes, and the Hidden Tax on the American Dream ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)

Our Kids Are Being Priced Out of the Future ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)

What I Believe — And What I Will Fight For ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)

Vote August 11th — Republican Primary ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/make-minnesota-affordable-again at this heading)

10Priority 10: His Policy Positions Are Not Republican Positions 10 statements

11Priority 11: MINNESOTA USED TO BE KNOWN FOR THE TWINS, THE WOLVES, THE VIKINGS AND THE LYNX. NOW WE’RE KNOWN FOR FRAUD. 31 statements

MORRISON: NO PLAN ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)

Kelly Morrison has gone silent on Minnesota fraud ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)

What Morrison has offered ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)

What voters actually need ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)

Why I Understand This ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)

MY PLAN: TREAT TAXPAYER FUNDING LIKE A BUSINESS LOAN, NOT A BLANK CHECK ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)

FULL UNDERWRITING JUST LIKE A LOAN ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)

FUNDING CAPPED TO MATCH REAL, VERIFIED REVENUE ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)

SURPRISE SITE VISITS, EVERY TIME ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)

A DEDICATED FRAUD INVESTIGATION TEAM FOR CD3 UNDER MY WATCH ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)

Kelly Morrison's own record raises the exact same questions ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)

MY TEAM WILL INVESTIGATE THE FRAUD IN CD3 DIRECTLY ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)

RECORDS & FILINGS ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)

BOOTS ON THE GROUND ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)

DIRECT REERRALS ↗ (opens bassforcongress.com/tbass-on-fraud at this heading)

12Priority 12: What Needs to Happen 9 statements

MoneyWho pays for the campaign, and where does it go?

Where the money came from

Outside spending

What the payments were for

EndorsementsWho does Bass’ campaign say backs them?

BallotWhen is Bass on the ballot?

AboutWhere does this page come from?

Earlier cycles

Federal records

Campaign pages read 10 pages