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Loading this candidate’s profile from the FEC filings and campaign records.
Where They Stand is a nonpartisan guide to everyone running for Congress: their money, their own words and how incumbents voted. Find your ballot →
Candidates › CA-50 race › 2025–2026
D Democratic nominee for U.S. House, CA-50
Representative since 2013
The same platforms’ other accounts, such as a congressional office’s or an earlier campaign’s.
7 priorities from scottpeters.com, in the order they are listed there. Every heading and the text under it is copied exactly, as one passage for each page it is from, and links to that place on the page; hover a source to see which passage it opens.
01 · Affordability & Housing
San Diego is one of the most expensive places in America to buy a home, and too many families are getting priced out. The other end of the same crisis is on our sidewalks. This year, Scott co-led a bipartisan law that scraps a 50-year-old rule holding back affordable homebuilding. His earlier law lets nonprofits put federal homelessness money to work directly, and he's fought to get homeless veterans off the street and into homes.
Next up
Build more homes, get more people off the street and into housing, and cut the red tape that slows both down.
What he's already done
Housing Supply Expansion Act ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
Scraps a 1974 rule that forced manufactured homes onto a permanent steel chassis, so builders can make more affordable homes for less. Co-led with a Republican and signed into law as part of the ROAD to Housing Act.
2026
Housing Assistance Efficiency Act ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
Cut the red tape so local nonprofits can get federal homelessness aid straight to the people who need it.
2015
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · scottpeters.com/issues
Heading as listed on scottpeters.com/issues ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
02 · Health Care
Nobody should have to choose between a prescription and groceries. Scott’s plan laid the groundwork for Medicare drug-price negotiation, $35 insulin and a cap on what seniors pay for medicine. He’s also fought to get more San Diegans into addiction treatment and mental health care, close to home.
Next up
Bring lower drug prices to more families, keep premiums in check, and make it easier to get mental health and addiction care in San Diego.
What he's already done
Reduced Costs and Continued Cures Act ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
Laid the groundwork for Medicare drug-price negotiation, $35-a-month insulin and a $2,000 yearly cap on seniors’ drug costs, all now law through the Inflation Reduction Act.
2022
Opioid Recovery Centers Renewal ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
Keeps federal funding flowing through 2028 for recovery centers that offer addiction treatment, mental health care and support all in one place.
2025
Methamphetamine Response Act ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
Co-led the bipartisan push to name meth an emerging national drug threat and require a federal plan to fight addiction and overdoses.
2022
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · scottpeters.com/issues
Heading as listed on scottpeters.com/issues ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
03 · The Tijuana River
For years, sewage pouring across the border has shut down beaches in Imperial Beach and Coronado and made people sick, including Navy SEALs who train in that water. Scott and San Diego’s delegation in Congress went after the money to fix it, and got it: $650 million, enough to fully repair and expand the South Bay plant that treats the sewage on our side of the border. Work is underway on both sides, and every phase that wraps up means cleaner water.
Next up
Finish the plant, keep the federal money coming, and get the state, our cities and local partners to help run it and keep it running for the long haul.
What he's already done
$650 Million to Fix the Plant ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
It started with $300 million in the 2020 trade deal. By late 2024, Scott and the San Diego delegation had locked in enough to fully repair and expand the South Bay treatment plant.
2020–24
Brought the EPA to the River ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
Got the EPA Administrator to the Tijuana River Valley to see the crisis firsthand, alongside Rep. Juan Vargas.
2021
Pushed for an Emergency Declaration ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
Pressed for a federal emergency declaration for the Tijuana River Valley through the annual defense bill.
2023
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · scottpeters.com/issues
Heading as listed on scottpeters.com/issues ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
04 · Clean Energy & Climate
Climate change isn't abstract here. It's wildfire smoke, crumbling bluffs and rising seas. Scott works with both parties to cut pollution and build clean energy, and to get San Diego ready for what's already coming.
Next up
Speed up clean energy projects, prevent the next big wildfire, and plan now for higher seas around San Diego Bay.
What he's already done
Methane Pollution Resolution ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
Restored limits on methane leaks from oil and gas operations. The first climate law of that Congress.
2021
POWER ON Act ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
Strengthens the power grid and builds transmission for clean energy, through the infrastructure law.
2021
Fix Our Forests Act ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
Speeds up forest work that cuts wildfire risk. Co-led with the Republican chair of the Natural Resources Committee and passed the House 279 to 141.
Passed the House, 2025
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · scottpeters.com/issues
Heading as listed on scottpeters.com/issues ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
06 · Jobs & the San Diego Economy
From the biotech labs in Torrey Pines to the working waterfront, San Diego's economy runs on smart people and hard work. Scott fights for the research dollars, defense work and infrastructure money that keep those jobs here.
Next up
More research funding, a stronger ship-repair industry and more federal dollars for local projects.
What he's already done
Employer Participation in Repayment Act ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
Lets employers help pay down workers' student loans tax-free.
2020, permanent 2025
Building Chips in America Act ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
Cuts permitting delays so new American chip factories get built faster.
2024
Make Every Small Business Count Act ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
Gives defense contractors credit for hiring small businesses at every level of a project, not just the first.
2013
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · scottpeters.com/issues
Heading as listed on scottpeters.com/issues ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
Strong public schools, college people can afford, and job training that matches the jobs San Diego is actually creating.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · scottpeters.com/issues
Heading as listed on scottpeters.com/issues ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
Reproductive freedom, LGBTQ+ equality and the right to vote. There's a reason Planned Parenthood, Equality California and HRC all endorsed him.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · scottpeters.com/issues
Heading as listed on scottpeters.com/issues ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
A border that's secure and a system that works, including a real path for Dreamers and the workers San Diego's economy depends on.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · scottpeters.com/issues
Heading as listed on scottpeters.com/issues ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
Heading as listed on scottpeters.com/issues ↗ (opens scottpeters.com/issues at this heading)
96% of their votes went with their party’s majority; they broke with it 29 times in the 119th Congress.
House Committee on Energy and Commerce
Matching this candidate against the House and Senate voting records…
The CRS policy areas of Peters’ 98 substantive sponsored measures, Congresses 117, 118, 119; the figure is how many fall in each. Sponsorship indicates legislative focus, not every policy position. GovInfo source ↗
FEC filings, Jan 1, 2025 to Oct 14, 2026 · Official FEC bulk data · committee C00503110
81¢ of every dollar raised has been spent across 9 reports ($1.8M of $2.2M). Cash on hand went from $2.1M on Mar 31, 2025 to $2.6M on Oct 14, 2026.
| Report | Raised in the period | Spent in the period | Cash on hand at its close |
|---|---|---|---|
| APRIL QUARTERLY 2025 through Mar 31, 2025 | $248,979 | $269,366 | $2,130,134 |
| JULY QUARTERLY 2025 through Jun 30, 2025 | $269,665 | $164,614 | $2,235,185 |
| OCTOBER QUARTERLY 2025 through Sep 30, 2025 | $210,413 | $113,427 | $2,332,171 |
| YEAR-END 2025 through Dec 31, 2025 | $297,289 | $149,205 | $2,480,255 |
| APRIL QUARTERLY 2026 through Mar 31, 2026 | $379,355 | $282,272 | $2,577,338 |
| PRE-PRIMARY 2026 through May 13, 2026 | $161,169 | $206,224 | $2,532,283 |
| JULY QUARTERLY 2026 through Jun 30, 2026 | $244,091 | $178,098 | $2,598,276 |
| OCTOBER QUARTERLY 2026 through Sep 30, 2026 | $343,400 | $311,783 | $2,629,892 |
| PRE-GENERAL 2026 through Oct 14, 2026 | $37,608 | $99,845 | $2,567,656 |
Each report’s own period, as filed with the FEC; a report filed again counts once, as its latest copy.
24 endorsers listed on Scott H. Peters’ own campaign site: 10 parties, 3 unions, 11 organizations.
This is the campaign's claim, checked by an editor against its page; the endorsers have not confirmed it to us. Each name opens the campaign’s page with that name highlighted.
Advanced · 102,057 votes (48%) · 1 of 6 · Full results ↗
Election not held yet · Full results ↗
Every contest for this seat that named this candidate, most recent last; a result is shown once the race is called. Election dates and results from civicAPI (civicapi.org). civicAPI aggregates results from Secretaries of State and equivalent election bodies, and makes its own race calls. civicapi.org ↗
Official FEC filing record for the current cycle. The priorities they publish are quoted from their own site, in their order.
Statements are quoted from these pages exactly. Headings, order and wording are the campaign’s; the record marking is ours.
The 12 largest committees by total given are listed. In all, 641 committee contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $1.3M. Counted from the givers' own filings, which can run above the total the campaign itself reports.
A donor who gave several times appears once. The 12 largest donors by total given are listed. In all, 496 itemized contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $305K.
Money moved in from the candidate’s other authorized committees, such as a joint fundraising committee. It was raised once and is reported again here on arrival. The largest of the sources is listed. In all, 8 transfers were filed this cycle, totaling $331.5K.
Total reported receipts $2,191,968
Every dollar the committee reported receiving this cycle, split by the source the FEC filing attributes it to. Open a source marked + to see who gave. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
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Tap or hover over a state, or focus the map and use the arrow keys, to read its total. Ctrl or ⌘ and scroll to zoom.
53% of the money placed by state came from inside California: $162.3K of $305K.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 365 contributions · 53% | $162,321 |
| 50 contributions · 12% | $35,910 |
| 28 contributions · 11% | $33,500 |
| 9 contributions · 6.3% | $19,163 |
| 4 contributions · 3.5% | $10,800 |
| 3 contributions · 3.4% | $10,500 |
| 15 contributions · 3.1% | $9,500 |
| 5 contributions · 1.6% | $5,000 |
By the state each donor wrote on the filing, across 19 states and territories. Donors who have given $200 or less this cycle are not itemized, so they cannot be placed on a map. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total.
| Employer as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| 4 contributions · 6.7% of ranked | $14,000 |
| 3 contributions · 4.5% of ranked | $9,500 |
| Written instead of an employer · 21 contributions · 3.6% of ranked | $7,625 |
| 3 contributions · 3.3% of ranked | $7,000 |
| 2 contributions · 3.3% of ranked | $7,000 |
| 2 contributions · 3.3% of ranked | $7,000 |
| 2 contributions · 3.3% of ranked | $7,000 |
| 2 contributions · 3.3% of ranked | $7,000 |
A further $95,751 came from donors whose answer names no employer (N/A, blank), so it is not ranked. Itemized gifts over $200, grouped by the words donors filed: not an industry classification, and a gift from an employee is not a gift from the employer. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($20,349) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.
Money groups spent on their own, not through a campaign. Each ad is filed against the candidate it names, so money attacking an opponent shows on the opponent’s row. Open a candidate to see who spent it.
The campaign also refunded $5,205 in contributions, which the categories below do not include.
Total itemized disbursements $1,689,381
Every itemized payment the committee reported this cycle, sorted by what it said each one was for. The categories are ours; the wording they are matched against is the committee’s own. Open a category to read the filed descriptions and who was paid. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
All 912 itemized payments filed this cycle. Spending below the itemization threshold is not filed line by line.
37 payments were reported as a lump sum, such as a card or payroll bill, with the detail filed underneath as memo entries. Those entries, $62,758 in all, are counted under the payee and purpose they name rather than under the processor that was paid. The total is the same either way.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 9 payments · 16% of all spending | $277,500 |
| 22 payments · 13% of all spending | $235,185 |
| 8 payments · 6.8% of all spending | $121,000 |
| 23 payments · 6.8% of all spending | $120,776 |
| 110 payments · 6.4% of all spending | $112,848 |
| 2 payments · 5.5% of all spending | $98,500 |
| 2 payments · 5.1% of all spending | $90,000 |
| 23 payments · 4.2% of all spending | $74,114 |
The people, firms and committees paid the most, across every kind of payment. Each share is of everything the committee reported spending this cycle, not only the itemized payments above. A payee that is itself a committee links to its own profile.
| Occupation as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| Written instead of an occupation · 176 contributions · 27% of ranked | $80,749 |
| 17 contributions · 9.3% of ranked | $28,275 |
| 19 contributions · 7% of ranked | $21,275 |
| 14 contributions · 5.6% of ranked | $17,000 |
| 4 contributions · 4.6% of ranked | $14,000 |
| Written instead of an occupation · 10 contributions · 3.2% of ranked | $9,850 |
| 12 contributions · 3% of ranked | $9,000 |
| 2 contributions · 2.3% of ranked | $7,000 |
A further $1,575 came from donors whose answer names no occupation (blank), so it is not ranked. Itemized gifts over $200, grouped by the words donors filed: not an industry classification, and a gift from an employee is not a gift from the employer. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($20,349) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.